Table Of ContentThe Fall of
Che Guevara
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The Fall of
Che Guevara
A Story of Soldiers, Spies,
and Diplomats
HENRY BUTTERFIELD RYAN
New York Oxford
Oxford University Press
1998
Oxford University Press
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Copyright © 1998 by Oxford University Press, Inc.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Ryan, Henry Butterfield.
The fall of Che Guevara : a story of soldiers, spies, and
diplomats / Henry Butterfield Ryan.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-19-511879-0
1. Guevara, Ernesto, 1928-1967. 2. Guerrillas—Bolivia—
History—20th century. 3. Insurgency—Bolivia—History—20th
century. 4. United States—Foreign relations—Bolivia. 5. Bolivia—
Foreign relations—United States. I. Title.
F3326.G84R93 1997
327.73084—<Jc21 97-11627
9 8 7 6 5 4 32
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
For my brother, Webster,
and my granddaughter, Katie
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Preface
T
he purpose of this book is to tell the story of the U.S. government's
response to Che Guevara during his insurgency in Bolivia in 1966-67.
This story serves as a case history of U.S. counterinsurgency practices
as they developed following World War II and were honed to a fine
point during the tense Cold War years of the 1960s. Many people who
remember how disastrously wrong the attempt at counterinsurgency
went in Southeast Asia tend to forget that it succeeded in Latin America.
Guevara hoped not just to start a guerrilla war in Bolivia but to ignite
a rebellion against the established order in all of South America, while
at the same time delivering a major blow to U.S. influence there—to
"Yankee imperialism," he would say. Readers must determine for them-
selves whether the defeat of Cuban aspirations should be regretted or
applauded, but unquestionably it had an important effect on politics in
the Western Hemisphere. Guevara's failure not only diminished Cuban
revolutionary hopes but also reduced the value of Cuba's hand in its bit-
ter struggle within international communist circles over the proper way
to create revolution. Consequently, the case had greater significance for
both sides than indicated by the limited dimensions of the actual fight-
ing, and therefore it merits close attention.
In studying the U.S. response to the insurgency, I will closely exam-
ine the controversial involvement of U.S. officials in Guevara's death. I
will also present biographic sketches of the main actors in the drama and
occasionally focus on disputes among officials and on personal tensions
viii Preface
between allies, in the belief that individual histories and interpersonal
struggles, sometimes even petty ones, have more to do with diplomacy
than students of the subject are often given to believe.
According to an old adage, history is written by victors, but if so, the
story of Guevara's insurgency in Bolivia is a notable exception. His de-
feat there has been told again and again by writers professing and
demonstrating their admiration for both him and his cause, and he was
indeed an admirable man. But only a few—Leo Sauvage and Daniel
James, for example—write critically, and even they criticize his perfor-
mance more than his purpose. A different version, as told by Bolivian
military leaders, remains mostly untranslated and consequently enjoys
comparatively limited circulation, an important exception being the ac-
count of Captain Gary Prado Salmon, whose company captured Gue-
vara.
Even today, nearly thirty years after Guevara's death, it is difficult to
write dispassionately about the events in his life. Feelings still run
strong among people who recall his career, and a historian trying for im-
partiality continually fears the danger of belittling or caricaturing one
side or the other. Nevertheless, I have tried in this book to tell without
bias the story of two groups of human beings, each with powerful and
conflicting convictions, resolving their differences in the unfortunately
primitive way that is still humanity's habit.
In much of the literature, the Americans involved in countering Gue-
vara in Bolivia are depicted as murky figures, hovering ominously in the
wings and manipulating Bolivian puppets—a portrayal resulting par-
tially from an automatic aversion many writers of this story have to
names such as Green Berets, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), or U.S.
Military Advisory Group (MILGP). Furthermore, the necessarily secret
nature of those groups has kept them far out of focus, even though
everyone who has written about these events knows they played promi-
nent roles.
By far the greater reason for the continuing obscurity of the Ameri-
cans, however, lies in the fact that the U.S. government did not release
any documents concerning its role until I, perhaps rashly, decided to
spend what became the equivalent of three years (actually spread out
over five) in the tedious process of prying these documents out of their
secret files through various procedures established for that purpose.
Should any young scholar or writer be tempted to try this route to gain
quick publication, let me cite two letters. One is from the State Depart-
Preface ix
ment saying my appeal of June 3, 1992, for release of certain documents
had been granted; this letter is dated November 18, 1996. Another was a
letter from the National Archives that brought me part of the material I
requested on September 5, 1991—dated June 21, 1994. Two requests,
one to the House of Representatives and one to the Kennedy Library,
though many years old and after frequent reminders, have still been nei-
ther granted nor denied. Nevertheless, despite the ponderousness of the
process, a huge number of secret documents have come to light; and as
they have, the U.S. officials involved in the capture of Che Guevara
have stepped out of the shadows.
Within our story of the struggle with Guevara in Bolivia lies a sub-
theme about the role of diplomatic establishments, notably embassies
and consulates. It has particular relevance at the end of the century,
when their functions, all but unknown in much of the United States,
have nevertheless become the subject of intense scrutiny in the smaller
world of foreign affairs. Furthermore, with the end of the Cold War, the
foreign-affairs community—Congress, the executive branch, the press,
universities, and think tanks, among others—has also begun to question
seriously the role of intelligence in U.S. foreign relations, especially the
part played by the CIA. The U.S. government's interaction with revolu-
tionary Cuba, including its response to Guevara in Bolivia, provides
some useful, if far from conclusive, data for this debate also. I will re-
turn to that subject at the end of the narrative.
Many people and a number of institutions have given me invaluable
help in writing this book, although none bear responsibility for its con-
tent.
I am especially thankful to Clare Hall, Cambridge, where, as a Life
Member, I can return at will. Consequently, I spent two summers there
writing much of the text. I also am grateful to the Institute for the Study
of Diplomacy at Georgetown University, where I spent approximately
18 months working on several projects, including this book.
The Foreign Affairs Oral History Program, a service of the Associa-
tion for Diplomatic Studies and Training, also aided me greatly. That
program provides an ever-growing and invaluable collection of inter-
views based on the careers of U.S. officials who have served abroad.
I am very much indebted to Senator David L. Boren and Congress-
man Dave McCurdy, then chairmen of the Senate and House Select
Committees on Intelligence, respectively, and to Senator Sam Nunn and
