The anti-usury arguments of the Church Fathers of the East in their historical context and the accommodation of the Church to the prevailing “credit economy” in late antiquity

45 Pages·2017·2.41 MB·English

by  Antigone Samellas

JournalofAncientHistory2017;5(1):134–178
AntigoneSamellas*
The anti-usury arguments of the Church
Fathers of the East in their historical context
and the accommodation of the Church to the
“ ”
prevailing credit economy in late antiquity
DOI10.1515/jah-2016-0017
Abstract:TheevidencetheChurchFathersofferabouttheeconomicpracticesof
lateantiquityareoftendismissedasemptyrhetoric.Theaimofthisarticleisfirst,
to examine the historical value of their arguments against usury in the light of
papyrological and hagiographic sources as well as οf archaeological findings;
secondly,toassesstheextenttowhichthechurchesandmonasteriesinSyriaand
Egyptaccommodatedthemselvestothe“crediteconomy”oflateantiquity;and,
thirdly,toevaluatethereasonsforthechurch’scompromisewiththeestablished
creditpracticesanditsimpactontheimplementationoftheChristianredistribu-
tiveideals.
Keywords:ancientdebt,ancientconspicuousconsumption,ancientexploitation,
ancientcorruption,ancientcharity
Christianitychallengedtheclassicalnotionofjustice,whichrestedontheidealof
ameritocraticelitistreciprocity,toheraldaredistributivejusticethatwouldtake
intoaccounttheneedsofthepoor.1HenceGodcancelsthedebtsofhisservants,
Christransomswithhisbloodhumankindfromdebtbondage,takentoimplyits
servitude to sin, and, overturning the established relation between lender and
borrower,inauguratesanewkindofcontractwhichequatedcharitytothepoor
with lending to the Lord. Furthermore, ample rewards were reserved for the
magnanimous lender, but only in the afterlife.2 Μetaphor did not negate but
1 TheargumentisspelledoutinSamellas(2010),225–249.
2 Matt18:23–35;Luke6:34–35;“IfyougivetothepooryoulendtotheLord”:Prov19:17;forthe
concretewaysthatsinanddebtareimplicatedintheGospels,seeEubank(2013),48–49,54–55,
60–61,155.δὸςκαὶἐγὼἀποδώσω,...ἐνχειρογράφῳδημοσίῳτῆςοἰκουμένης(GregoryofNyssa,
*Correspondingauthor:AntigoneSamellas,Pontou3,14671AthensGreece,
E-Mail:[email protected]
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TheAnti-UsuryArgumentsoftheChurchFathers 135
rather enhanced the resonance of the primary, literal, material sense which
formeditskernel.Forgivenessofsinswaspremisedontheabsolutionofdebts.3
The Lord’s Prayer echoed the language of the decrees of the Ptolemies who not
only remitted debts but proclaimed an amnesty “for all the subjects to their
basileiaforerrors,crimes,accusations,condemnations,andchargesofallkinds
...”4Infact,inthemostsubversiverenderingoftheLord’sPrayer,intheversion
ofQtext,thecancellationofdebtsbythelendersoftheearthlyrealmwasseenas
priortodivineforgiveness.5
In the period under study the Church Fathers recommended the tearing
asunderofthelegalagreementssignedbythecreditorandtheborrowerirrespec-
tiveofwhetherthesewereperceivedasfairorunjust.6Chrysostominterpretedthe
parableofthedishoneststewardinLuke16:1–13,which,accordingtoonerecent
plausible interpretation,7 refers to the voluntary remission of the debts of the
tenants, practiced by the landlords in the hope that in the future the insolvent
debtors might be able to pay at least a part of the amount owed to them8, as
meaningatotalandunqualifiedforgivenessofdebts.9GregoryofNyssademysti-
fied the benefactor’s ideology, which saw the usurious contracts as being con-
ContraUsurarios198,21–23);cf.Chrysostom,Hom.Rom.VII,7–8(PG60:451–453);butGodalso
appearedasatrustworthybankerwhoremuneratedthosewhogaveawaytheirmoneyfortheir
philanthropy:μὴκαθυβρίσῃςτὸνθεὸνμηδὲἡγήσῃτῶντραπεζιτῶνἀτιμότερονοἷςἀναμφιβόλως
πιστεύεις....δὸςἀκαπήλευτοντὴνεὐεργεσίαν,καὶὄψεισοιτὸνθεὸνμετὰπροσθήκηςἀποδιδόντα
τὴνχάριν(GregoryofNyssa,ContraUsur.,199,6–7,10–11).
3 “InAramaicthesamewordmeanssinordebt(hôbâ)”:Oakman(2014),75.
4 C. Ord.Ptol.53andSB8.9899citedandtranslatedbyBazzana(2011),517.Itisimportanttonote
that“theglobalcancellationwasextendedtowhateachsubjectinthekingdomowedtoanother:”
Bazzana,ibid.Indugentiadebitorum,concerningtaxarrearsowedtothestatealsopracticedinthe
lateRomanEmpire:CT5.11.11(A.D.386);11.28.1(A.D.363);11.28.9(A.D.414).
5 Q11:2b-4:“Father—mayyournamebekeptholy!—letyourreigncome:ourday’sbreadgiveus
today;andcancelourdebtsforus,aswetoohavecancelledforthoseindebttous;anddonotput
us to the test!” Bazzana (2011), 512. Q 11:2b-4 as a concrete response to the rising peasant
indebtednessinruralPalestineinthetimeofJesusinOakman(2014),71–77,23–38.Itisalso
interesting to note that “few Christians today recognize that when they pronounce the word
‘Hallelujah’theyarerepeatingtheritualtermaluluchantedtosignifythefreeingofBabylonian
debtslaves.”Dandamaev(1984)citedinHudson(1993),27.
6 Ἐὰνχρεωφειλέτηνλάβῃςπροσπίπτοντα,πᾶσανσυγγραφὴνἄδικονἢκαὶδικαίανδιάσπασον
(GregoryofNazianzus,Or.40.31,textfromMoreschini2012,958);cf.Chrysostom,Hom.Rom.
XVIII,6(PG60:581);Hom.Matt.LVI,5(PG58:555).
7 Goodrich(2012),563–565.
8 EvidencefromRomanEgyptinGoodrich(2012),559–562;fortheWestseeBrown(2012),60.
9 ΔιάτοιτοῦτοκαὶἐκεῖνοντὸνοἰκονόμονὁΧριστόςἐπήνεσετὸνἠνίκαἔμελλεκινδυνεύειντὰ
γραμματεῖαδιαλύσαντακαὶχρεωκοπίανἐργασάμενον(Chrysostom,Exp.Ps.CXI,4,PG55:295).
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136 AntigoneSamellas
sensuallegaldeedsofmutualbenefittobothparties,10bydescribingtheagree-
mentsignedbythecreditorandtheborrowerasanactoffraudthatreducedthe
debtortotheutmostdestitution:
“Ifsomeonetakessomeoneelse’smoneybyforce...heiscalledaviolentcriminal,butthe
onewhoadvertises hisfelonyin financial agreements ...andwhoenforceshiscrimeby
contractsiscalledabenefactor...andtheprofitfromthievingiscalledloot,buttheperson
whostripshisdebtornakedbythiskindofcompulsiongiveshisharshnesstheeuphemism
‘philanthropy’.”11
In the ideal world of the Apophtegmata Patrum interest free loans were given
whichwererepaidmiraculously.AnincidentthattookplaceinArabiainEgyptis
instructiveinthatregard:JohnthePersianborrowedagoldencoinfromafellow
monk in order to buy the linen necessary for his work. In spite of this, when a
fellowmonkapproachedhimandaskedhimtolethimusesomeofhislinento
makealebiton,presumablyforhimself,andthenanotherbrothermadeasimilar
requestforthepurposeofweavingasmallpieceofcloth,heeagerlylentthelinen
tothetwomonks.Thelenderofthegoldencoinhoweverwantedhismoneyback,
soJohnwenttotheoikonomosofthemonasteryandaskedforacoin.Thesteward
waspreparedoutofphilanthropytocoverthedebtofhisbrother.Yet,intheend,
John found by chance a golden coin on the ground and handed it over to the
oikonomostellinghimtopaybacktheloantothemonkwhohadhelpedhimbuy
thelinenonhisbehalf.Subsequently,wheneverabrotheraskedhimtouseone
of his belongings, he let him take it and never made a claim on the object lent
whenitwasnotreturnedtohim.12
Monksmayhaveboughtrawmaterialsinthemarket,buttheassumptionwas
thattheywouldneverusethemforcommercialpurposesbuttosatisfytheirown
needs.13Secondly,theyshouldnotconsiderlendingaprofit-seekingactivitybuta
philanthropicgesturethatputtheirpersonalbelongingstocommonuse.Indica-
tiveoftheiranxiety-riddenattitudetowardsthemarketisthefollowingepisode:a
brother confessed to his superior that he felt troubled whenever he went to the
10 Benefactor’sideologyattestedbyabankerinaninscriptionfromCirtainAfrica:omnibus
communisergo:cuinonmisertus?,citedinVeyne(2000),1189.Forthewaythelenderputonthe
appearance of friendliness to entice the borrower to accept his onerous terms, see Basil of
Caesarea,Hom.Ps.XIV,1(PG29:265).
11 GregoryofNyssa,Eccl.345,16–346,5;trans.HallandMoriarty(1993),80.
12 AP6.8,textfromGuy(1993),318–322.Onthemiraculouseconomy,seeDéroche(1996),246;
LlewellynIhssen(2016),51–52.
13 Λεβίτων, κολόβιον, χιτών were shortsleeved or sleeveless tunics. They were produced in
Pachomianmonasteriesforinternalconsumption.Iconographicevidenceshowspeasantsand
workerswearingthistypeofgarment:Mossakowska-Gaubert(2004),155,157,162.
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TheAnti-UsuryArgumentsoftheChurchFathers 137
markettoselltheproductofhismanuallabor.Theabbottoldhimthattherewas
nothingharmfulinthisactivity,providedthathedidnotpersistentlyseektosell
hisobject,onlyonceheneededtocryitsprice,andthenitwasuptohimtolower
themarketvalueoftheproductalittle.Thus,hewouldfindrest.14
What the abbot is saying obliquely is that the monk should avoid haggling
with the buyer15 and sell his product at a cheap price without outbidding his
competitors,16 but onlymeethis personal needsand makea meagreprofit, if at
all.IntheearlyfifthcenturyacanonofRabbula,BishopofEdessa,stipulated:“If
one shall sell the crop for the benefit of the monastery, he shall not take some-
thing more, except the price as it sells at the time of that threshing-season.”17
While Evagrius Ponticus advised: “Whether you are selling or buying, take a
smalllossonthejustprice.”18
In the hagiographic sources and in canon law the fair price was set at the
lowerendof,orbyasmallmargin,belowthemarketvalue.Toacertainextent,
thisreflectedtheimperiallegislationwhichnotonlytookintoaccountthemarket
price of products in a specific city but also tried to curb overcharging and the
speculation that was rampant during periods of scarcity.19 A series of papyri
14 AP6.15,textfromGuy(1993),324–325;cf.“Wemuststrivetoensurethattheproductsofour
workarenotdisposedofatadistanceandthatwedonotgoabouthawkingtheminpublic.
Consequently,wewillprefertoretreatsomewhatfromthepricethangobeyondourvicinityfor
thesakeofsomesmallgain.”(BasilofCaesarea,Reg.fus.37,PG31:1017–20;trans.Silvas2005,
249).“Legitimatewasthepurchaseofaproductforworkandthesaleofaproductwhosevalue
wasdependentonthetechnicalskillinvolved.Inthiscaseonewasnotallowedtotalkabout
trade”:Salamito(2006),14withreferencetoOpusImperfectuminMatt38(PG56:840).
15 Theyshould“namethepricejustonceandsilentlyacceptwhatwasgiventheminpeace.”
(ApophtegmAgathon98[16]citedinWipszycka2011,231),cf.235.
16 On the competition between artisans or traders who were selling their products, see:
ἐπορθρίζειταῖςἐμπορίαιςὁκάπηλος,πρὸτῶνὁμοτέχνωντὸοἰκεῖονἐπιδεῖξαιτοῖςὠνουμένοις
φιλονεικῶνὡςἂνπρολάβοιτοῦδεομένουτὴνχρείαν,ὑποφθάσαςτοὺςἄλλους,καὶτὸοἰκεῖον
ἀπεμπολήσειεν.(GregoryofNyssa,Or.Dom.6,5–9).
17 Rabbula,Canon25citedinAdesi(1990),194.Fortheprecisemarginofprofitonlycomparative
evidencefromrabbinicalsourcesisavailable.TheJewishSagesallowedthesellertoraisethe
priceofaproductuptoone-sixthofitspurchaseprice:RosenfeldandMenirav(2001),361.
18 EvagriusPonticus,Fond.8(PG40:1260);trans.Sinkewicz(2003),9.
19 Fairpriceasthepriceaproductfetchedinthelocalurbanmarket:evidencefromsecond-
centuryAthensandfourth-centuryAntiochandPalestineinLoCascio(2006),230;Rosenfeldand
Menirav(2001),364.Thejustpriceasthemarketprice,ortheregulatedpriceortheadministered
price: Laiou (2002), 1132: “Almost all of these possibilities were present in Byzantium, with
differentweightatdifferenttimes.”Thestatetriedtochecktheriseofpricesoccasionedbythose
whoabusedtheirpowerinconditionsofscarcity:thesemightbetheworkerswho,exploitingthe
objectiveshortageofmanpoweraftertheJustinianicplague,triedtotripletheirwages—seeNov.
122—orgrainmerchantsintimesoffamine.Sarris(2015),168–170.
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138 AntigoneSamellas
datingfromthefifthcenturyshowsthattheauthoritieswereinterestedincompar-
ingpricesfromthedifferentlocalitiesofEgyptsoastobebetterabletosupervise
themarket.20
Interestrateswerealsoregulatedbylaw.InA.D.386alawintheTheodosian
Codestipulated:“Ifanypersontakingadvantageoftheurgencyoftheneedsofa
debtorshouldextortanythingbeyond1%permonth,12%ayear,allowedbylaw

heshallimmediatelyrestorewhatwasrapaciouslytakenandheshallbeobliged
topayfourfoldtheamountaspenalty.”21Itwasnotanychangeinthesupplyof,
anddemandfor,moneythatdeterminedtherateofinterestbutcustom.Accord-
ingly,thecontrolofinflationafter350andtheintroductionofthesolidusdidnot
lowertheinterestratesinEgypt.22EmperorJustiniandeclaredhisrespectfor“the
established ... customs”23 when he set the terms of maritime loans in 540, but,
overall,hetriedtolowertheinterestratesprobablywithaviewtoimplementing
theprinciplesoftheChristianmoraleconomy.24
IntheeyesoftheChurchFathersthemarketwasadangerousplace.25Itwas
therealmoftheMammon,thebreedinggroundofgreed,foritenslavedwhoever
frequentedittotheconjecturalneedstowhichthefanciesofthepublicgaverise.
What gave value to products, according to Chrysostom, was not their intrinsic
usefulness,ortherationalchoiceofthebuyers,buttheconventionalpreferences
ofsocietyatagiventimeandplace.Eachsociallayersoughttoimitatethetastes
20 P. Oxy. 51.3628–36, Parsons (2007), 104–105; also about A.D. 310–360 retailers, perfume-
sellers,salt-merchants,fish-saucesellers,informed,everymonth,theauthoritiesofthepurchase
priceoftheirproducts:P. Oxy.54.3731andParsons(2007),106.
21 CT2.33.2.In405senatorswereallowedtolendmoneyat6%ayear:CT2.33.4.Whilethe

lenderofwine,oiloranyotherfarmproducewasallowedtocharge50%:CT2.33.1.

22 Carrié (2003), 267. Also comparative evidence, from ancient Near East, Greece and Rome
shows that interest rates remained stable throughout the centuries; they were calculated “at
standardizedrates”inaway“thataimedatachievinganumericalease,”seeHudson(2000),137,
157.
23 Nov.106,1.AstheshipmastersexplainedtoJustinian,accordingtoancientcustom,there
werevariouskindsofmaritimeloans.Interestsforloanstoshipmastersvariedfrom10%onthe

valueoftheloanwhentheborroweracceptedtoshipwheatorbarleyforthecreditorforfreeto
12.5%whenthisdidnothappenandthevesselremainedaway,atleast,forayear,whilewhenit

returnedpromptlytheinterestwaslower:Nov.106,pr.Thelawwasrepealedayearlater.
24 LoanstoshipmastersinthelegislationofJustinianareset,inCI4.32.26.2ofA.D.528andin
Nov.110of541at12%peryear,tofarmersloansinkindat12%,tochurchesandotherpious

institutionsat3 %(Nov.120,ofA.D.544,section 6,lines28–30),forthemerchantsandbankersat
8%,forthehigharistocracyat4%andfortherestat6%.Gofas(2002),1095–1098.

25 Ἂνδὲἀπὸτῆςοἰκίαςἐπὶτὴνἀγορὰνἔλθῃς,γυμνὸςτῶνὅπλων[withouttheprotectionof
prayer]τούτωνεὑρεθεὶς,εὐχείρωτοςἔσῃτοῖςἐπηρεάζουσινἅπασι(Chrysostom,Hom.Rom.12:
20,3,PG51:177).
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TheAnti-UsuryArgumentsoftheChurchFathers 139
andbuyingpreferencesofthoseimmediatelyaboveit.Unwittingly,therelatively
affluentstrataweredriventothelifestyleofthearistocracy.Everybodytriedto
outbid in display the one immediately above him.26 Therefore, as we shall see,
“the middle classes”27 ran into debt to meet the requirements of conspicuous
consumption. Indeed, one has first to assess the extent and different forms of
indebtedness in late antiquity in order to understand why the religion that
condemnedusury,forsomeofthereasonsthatwillbeanalyzedbelow,resorted
tocredit,bothasalenderaswellasaborrower,inordertofinanceitscharitable
program.
I Borrowing and conspicuous consumption
AccordingtoGregoryofNyssa,althoughhumansshouldhavebeencontentwith
the satisfaction of their elementary needs, they were carried away by prejudice
and sought to surpass the limits of necessity. Everyone strove to procure every
pleasureanddelightfortheeyesandheevenregrettedthathecouldnothavethe
skyashisrooftopandahouseasspaciousastheglobe.28Insearchofrefinement
anddistinction(ἡἐπιθυμίατῆςπεριεργίας)heusedmarblefromNumidia,Thes-
saly and Syene of Egypt for the columns that supported the porticoes, and
Phrygianstonetodecoratetheinteriorofhishouses.Hiseyeswerelustingafter
thepleasureproducedbythefortuitouscombinationsofpurplediesprinkledon
26 οὐδὲνκρίσειπράττομενἀλλ΄ἁπλῶςκαὶὡςἔτυχεν...Καλὰτὰσηρικὰἱμάτια;...ὑπόληψιςἐστι
καὶ πρόληψις ἀνθρώπινη, οὐκ ἐν τῇ φύσει τὸ κάλλος ἔχει (Chrysostom, Hom. 1Tim. XVII, PG
62:596).On themimeticoriginsofgreedsee:ἕκαστοςτὸν πρὸαὐτοῦ ζηλοῦντεςἐπέτεινοντὸ
νόσημα, καὶ τὸν οὐ βουλόμενονὁπρολαβώνἐρεθίζει.Ὅτανγὰρἴδωσινοἰκίαςλαμπρὰς... καὶ
ἀργυρᾶσκεύη,...πάνταπράττουσιν,ὥστευπερβάλλεσθαι·ὥστεοἱπρῶτοιτῶνδευτέρωναἴτιοι
γίνονται,κἀκεῖνοιτῶνμετ’αὐτούς.(Chrysostom,Hom.Jo.LXV,3,PG59:364).
27 How do we define “the middles classes”? From their houses which paid lip service to
“peristyletraditionsbyusinganoddmosaicorcolumn,”e.g.theHouseofBronzesatSardis.

Tradesmen,buildersorpublicofficials,chartulariiornumerarii(i.e.accountantsintheofficesof

provincialgovernors),mightbetheirowners:Ellis(2004)43,45;(1997)46;Headsofworkshops,
skilledworkersliketheonewhoworkedinaperfumeshopforthreeyearsinA.D.549(P.Med.I
48)foraratherhighremunerationbelongedtothismiddlestratum:Freu(2015),171.Archeological
remainsofmacellafromAsiaMinor,Syria,andPalestine,attesttotherelativewell-beingofsome
shopkeepers,blacksmiths,glassblowers,painters,perfumers,bakersandbeansellersfromthe
fourthtothesixthcentury:Lavan(2012),344,366,363.
28 ὅσατῇαἰσθήσεικαλάἐστι...διὰματαίαςπρολήψεωςὡςκατ’ἀλήθειανὄντατοῖςἀπαιδεύτοις
νομίζεται...Ὡςγὰροὐχὶσώματιτὸχρειῶδεςπορίζων,ἀλλὰτοῖςὀφθαλμοῖςἐπιτηδεύωντέρψεις
καὶἐντρυφήματαλυπεῖταισχεδὸνὅτιμὴτὸνοὐρανὸνἐποίησενὑπορώφιον...(GregoryofNyssa,
Eccl.422,4,7,8;320,9–12,15).
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140 AntigoneSamellas
thewhitenessofthemarbleaswellasbythevariegatedcolorstaintingthepurity
ofglass,nottospeakofthemosaicsdazzlingwiththeirbrillianceeventhefeetof
those treading on them.29 The capitals of the doorways were embellished with
ivory, overpainted with gold and silver hammered on with studs. Everything
“contrivedforastrikingandeleganteffect:”themultipleentrance-porches,gates
and gateways, the ostentatious baths“gushing with floods of water” and, adja-
centtothese,thegymnasiums,and,acrosstheporticoesencirclingthebuilding,
themarblestatuesandthepaintings,which“prostitutetheeyes”byrepresenting
thenakednessthatoughtnottohavebeenseen.30
Thepassionateeroticizedattachmenttomatterknewnobounds,theneedfor
luxury increased every day, seeking to appropriate for one’s own enjoyment all
the produce of the earth.31 Asterius of Amasea described luxurious banquets in
Pontus which included wine from Phoenicia, pheasants, dishes seasoned with
Indian condiments and served in silver vessels to the accompaniment of musi-
cians, dancers and mimes. It was as if the host’s worth was reflected in the
brillianceofhispossessions.32Chrysostomcomplainedthatitwasimpossiblefor
hiscontemporariestousefurnituresimplytorest;insteadtheypreferredtoshow
off to their guests by presenting at their dinners silver bounded ivory couches
withsoftmattresses.33
The scarcity prestige of a good determined itsworth. According to Chrysos-
tom, silk clothes were considered a luxury merchandise in Antioch but were
cheapintheregionofSeriansfromwhichtheywereimported.Thesamewastrue
forthespicesandperfumesbroughtfromArabiaandIndiawhichwerecheapin
theirplaceoforiginbutexpensiveinAntioch.Itisclearthatthemoreexpensive
and rare a product was, the more sought-after it became by the elite across
the empire.34 Every year merchants went to foreign lands, and contracted a
loan to build ships and hire crews, in order to fetch exotic products to their
29 Eccl.,322,10–12;321,1–8,323,8–12;trans.HallandMoriarty(1993),63–64.
30 Eccl.,322,7–9;322,16–324,2;trans.HallandMoriarty(1993),64.
31 Αὔξουσαγὰρκαθ’ἡμέρανἐπὶτὸπεριεργότερονἡτρυφὴ(AsteriusofAmasea,1.5.3);ὡςμικρὰς
πόλειςοἰκοῦσιτὰςοἰκίας,λουτροῖςκαὶοἴκοιςποικίλοιςκαὶστοαῖς...παντοίᾳπολυτελείᾳκεκοσ-
μημένας(3.12.32).
32 1.5.3;ὁμάτηνπλουτῶντῷκόσμῳτῆςκλίνηςπεριαστράπτεται,ἀργυρᾶςσφαίραςἐχούσηςκαὶ
ἁλύσειςἀντὶτῶνσχοίνων(AsteriusofAmasea,3.12.4).
33 μὴμοικλίναςἀργυρενδέτουςκατασκεύαζε,ἀλλὰκέχρησοκλίνῃκαὶστρώμασιμὴπρὸςἐπίδειξ-
ινπεποιημένοις,ἀλλὰπρὸςἀνάπαυσιν,μηδὲἐλεφάντιναςκλίνας·σύστειλονσαυτόν(Chrysostom,
Hom.Eph.XIII,4,PG62:98).
34 Hom.1.Tim.XVII,3(PG62:596);exoticproducts,textilesandperfumes,fromIndiaandPersia
alsoinHom.II,3(PG62:513).Certainly,Chrysostomwasawarethatsupplyanddemanddeter-
minedthevalueofaproduct:Mitchell(2004),108.
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TheAnti-UsuryArgumentsoftheChurchFathers 141
clients.35 Archeological findings from late antique Corinth, Halicarnassos and
Apameiaconfirmtheexpensivetasteoftheimperialandcivicaristocracy.36Those
who could not import diamond-bordered ivory panels from India or Alexandria
had objects made of bone in their houses. In the fourth century “the volume of
objectsofboneincreasedparalleltothoseofivory,asthelesswealthyemulated
theluxuriouspossessionsoftheelite.”37
AccordingtothetestimonyofBasilofCaesarea,artisansoftenincurreddebts
inordertoimitatethelife-styleofthehigherclasses.Forashortwhileafterthey
had received the money from the lender they radiated with a false brilliance,
borrowedfromelsewhere,evocativeofthesplendoroftheirnewwayoflife.Now
nodelicaciesweremissingfromtheirtable,andattheinstigationoftheirwives,
they bought more expensive garments and dressed their children in comelier
clothes and put more refined and variegated cloaks on their slaves and hosted
flatterersandsymposiastsattheirhouse.38Buttheirjoydidnotlastforlong.As
soon as the money ran dry “they began to hate the days rushing towards the
deadline and to fear the months that fathered interests.” “Having given them-
selvesovertoprofligacyanduselessluxuries”theytriedtomeettheobligations
ofthefirstloanbycontractingadebtwithanotherbankersoastofleeinsolvency.
35 σὺδὲεἰςἸνδοὺςἐμπορεύῃκαὶβαρβαρικῇπαρακινδυνεύειςθαλάσσῃκαὶἐνιαυσίοιςναυτιλίαις
σεαυτὸνἐπιδίδωςἵνατοῖςἐκεῖθενἀγωγίμοιςτήντροφὴνἡδύνῃς(GregoryofNyssaOr.Dom.52,9–
12);καὶγὰρὁἔμποροςθέλειπλουτεῖν...ἀλλὰκαὶπλοῖονκατασκευάζεταικαὶσυνάγειναύτας,...
καὶχρυσίονδανείζεταικαὶπερᾷπέλαγος,καὶεἰςξένηνἄπεισιγῆν(Chrysostom,Hom.Jo.3,PG
59:28);famousMuzirispapyrus(P.Vind.G40822)indicatestheastronomicalsumsinvolvedto
financebycreditatripwithpredominantlyluxurygoodsfromMuziris(modernCranganore)in
IndiatoMyosHormosonintheRedSeainthemid-secondcenturyandcertainlyatteststothe
enormouswealthoftheelite;forthisandfortraditionalargumentsagainstthecorruptingeffects
oforientalluxuries,seeParker(2002),64,75.
36 Corinth:Rife(2010),736–740;inlateantiquitywewitnessa“surgeinarchitecturalcreativity
andeccentricity”andduringdining“externalviewingtakesprecedenceoverexchangewithinthe
group”:Stephenson(2016),60,63,68.Tothearistocracybelongedmembersoftheimperialcourt,
likeCharidemos,whohaslefthisepigraphictracesinavillainfifth-centuryHalicarnassosand
Apellios in sixth-century Apamea.For the former Ellis (2004), 42–43, and for the latter Balty
(1997),92.Forarcheologicalfindsofgildeddrinkingglasses,silverkniveswithivoryhandles,
silverdishesandtextileswithDionysiacscenesusedinthediningroom,seeVroom(2007),345,
362, 332, 328, n. 36. Luxurious clothes decorated couches, dining seats (stoibas) and doors:
Asterius,1.5.2;lateantiquetextileswithmythologicalandhuntingscenesandpersonificationsof
seasonalbountyfromlateantiqueEgypt,illustratedinThomas(2016),21–53.
37 SternandHadjilazaro-Thimme(2007),302;diamond-borderedpanel,Nr. 113,69–70.Chris-
tian taste for luxury: About A.D. 432, Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria sent ivory chairs to the
PatriarchofConstantinople:ibid.,297.
38 BasilofCaesarea,Hom.Ps.XIV,4(PG29:276),onthispassageseeGiacchero(1979),457;Hom.
Ps.XIV,2(PG29:268).
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142 AntigoneSamellas
Richonlyintheirdreams,theyborrowedandspentwithoutrespitetilltheylost
everything.39
For Chrysostom the ruinous pursuit of distinction was tantamount to an
infatuation with empty images. Everyone was obsessed with how he would
appearinthepubliceye:likethelovesickmanthatclingstothesoullesspicture
ofthewomanhedesiresmanywouldrunwildwhenevertheysawtokens,oreven
artisticreproductions,ofwealth.Whiletraversingthemarketplacetheywouldfix
their gaze dumfounded on the wealthy, admiring their expensive clothes and
theirhorseswiththegoldenharnessesandtheirslavesstrutting,sickwithlong-
ing to possess the product of their fancy.40 As a result the working poor did
everythingpossibletoobtainbeautifulclothesandpurchaseahouseholdslave.
Some would even prefer to die of hunger than deprive themselves of silver
dishes.41
The Christianization of the symbols of status hardly affected the climate of
display. According to Asterius when members of the aristocracy came out in
public, they were dressed in such a fashion that they appeared “like painted
walls” to those they met for their “gay-colored dresses” were ornamented with
“leopards, bears,dogs,treesandrocks.”“Andthemorereligiousamongthem”
hadorderedtheweaverstodecoratetheirexpensiveclotheswithstoriesfromthe
Gospels,“Christtogetherwithallhisdisciplesandeachoneofthemiracles...In
doing thisthey considerthemselvesto bereligious andtobewearing garments
thatarepleasingtoGod.”Asteriusfrowneduponareligiositythatwasasostenta-
tious as the elaborate clothes that advertised it. Even if the figures on the
garments were supposed to magically evoke or invite the good fortune of their
ownerandaverttheevileye,asHenryMaguirehaswritten,thefactremainsthat
inlateantiquityluckanddivinefavorwerethoughttoprovethatonewaswealthy
bymerit;awidespreadconvictionthatwasverydifficultfortheChurchFathersto
eradicate.42
How can we verify that the frenzy for prestigious goods among the affluent
stratawasfinancedbycredit?Throughouttheperiodunderstudythewelltodo
39 Ibid.
40 Hom.1Cor.XI,4(PG61:92–93);cf.Hom.2Cor.XXIV,4(61:568–569);forotherpassagessee
Lavan(2007),162–167;Leyerle(1994),29–36.
41 Chrysostom,Deinan.gl.13,14,textfromMalingrey(1972),90,175–180;92,205–94,208.
42 Asterius,1.3.1.-1.4.3;trans.inMaguire(1990),220;andforhisinterpretation,see217–220;
iconographicevidencefromTunisiashowsthatthisexpensivetasteforornamentwasdiffused
amongwealthypeasantsandgladiators:Baratte(2004),122–124;luxuriousclotheswerecapital
tobestored:126;ἀλλ’ἤδητινές,φησί,καὶἀρχῶνκαὶπλούτουκαὶτιμῶνἠξιώθησαν,εὐχῇπρὸς
τοῦτοχρησάμενοι,καὶθεοφιλεῖςεἶναιδιὰτῆςταύτηςεὐκληρίαςὑπενοήθησαν(GregoryofNyssa,
Or.Dom.17,19–22).
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TheAnti-UsuryArgumentsoftheChurchFathers 143
were often in debt for they borrowed money to buy some “profitable magis-
tracy.”43 Apart from that, in an early seventh-century source we encounter a
silversmith, who was in a difficult financial situation, being advised to buy a
relatively expensive slave by contracting a loan and it is also attested that
duringthe reignofJustinianmenof considerablewealthborrowedmoney from
bankers to buy houses in the name of their wife or of some other relative of
theirs.44
Theownershipofahouse,alongwiththepossessionofanumberofslaves,
distinguishedthemoreprosperousmembersofthemiddleclassesfromtherestof
the population. The relatively affluent assistants of Libanius in the municipal
schoolofAntioch,whenthecitystoppedpayingthemorremuneratedthemafter
a long delay,45 found themselves in dire economic straits. Indicative of their
dismal position, according to the Antiochene rhetor, was that they could no
longeraffordtoownahouseorpossessmanyslaves:“someofthemhavenolittle
placeoftheirownbutliveinrentedroomslikecobblers.Anyonewhohasbought
a house, has not yet paid off the loan, so that the house purchaser is worse off
than those who are not [owners] of their house. As for slaves, one has three,
anothertwo,anothernoteventhatmany...”46Theyusedtogotothesilversmith
to buy jewels but now they had to hand over their wife’s ear-rings to the baker
becausetheyhadpledgedthemtohimeachtimetheywenttoborrowcornfrom
him. Many of them even avoided marriage for they could not support them-
selves.47
When in the late fourth century in Amasea in Pontus the congregation of
Bishop Asterius heard him recommending to them not to be preoccupied with
money they usually retorted: “How are we going to live without money? How
43 ἀξιώματακερδαλέαὠνήσασθαι...τὸπᾶνἀπώλεσαν(Chrysostom,Hom.Matt.XXVIII,5,PG
57:358).Intheearlyfifthcentury,SynesiusofCyrenewrotethat“thosewhowouldruleusinLibya
SuperiorandLibyaInferioraswellasinEgyptcouldnotpassunnoticedfortheywerefollowedby
acortegeofcreditors.”(SynesiusofCyrene,Ep.101,textfromGarzya2000,225,25–28).Thewell-
todotriedtowriteoffthedebtsincurredforthepurchaseofofficebyexploitingtheprovincials.
Justinian’sNov.8pr.(A.D.535).
44 LeontiusofNeapolis,LifeofJohntheAlmsgiver370,106–116,ὥςτινεςμὲνδανεισάμενοιἢ
δανειζόμενοιπαρὰτῶνἐκτῶνἐκτοῦεἰρημένουσυστήματοςχρήματαἠγόρασανἢἀγοράζουσι
κτῆσινἀκίνητονὀνόματιτῶνοἰκείωνγαμετῶνἢἄλλωντινῶν...ὥστεδιὰτῆςτοιαύτηςμεθόδου
ἐκείνουςμὲνἀπορίανπροΐσχεσθαι(CJEd.7.7).
45 Τradesmen talked about the teachers’ high incomes: Or. 31.25; trans. Norman (2000), 77.
Sourcesanddifficultiesofpayment:Or.31.22,16,19;trans.Norman(2000)76,74,75.
46 Or.31.11;trans.Norman(2000),73.
47 Or.31.12–13;trans.Norman(2000)73.Orderonbankerstopayone’shouserent:καὶτόκους
αὐτοὺςτελεῖνκαὶστεγονόμιαδιδόναι(Justinian,Ed.9.7.2);Barnish(1985),21.
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