Plenty of land, land of plenty: the agrarian output of Portugal

22 Pages·2015·0.76 MB·English

European Review of Economic History Advance Access published February 11, 2015
EuropeanReviewofEconomicHistory,0,1–22 #TheAuthor2015.PublishedbyOxfordUniversityPressonbehalfoftheEuropeanHistoricalEconomics
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doi:10.1093/ereh/heu023
Plentyofland,landofplenty:theagrarianoutput
1311 20
of Portugal ( – )
ANTO´ NIO HENRIQUES
FaculdadedeEconomia,UniversidadedoPorto,4200-464Porto,Portugal,[email protected]
InstitutodeCieˆnciasSociais,UniversidadedeLisboa,Lisbon,Portugal
ThisarticlepresentsabenchmarkforPortugueseagrarianoutputforthe1311–20decade.
This benchmark is built from the supply side using the value of church tithes combined
withcontemporaryparishaccounts.Twomainfindingsemerge:first,percapitaagrarian
outputwassimilarintherecentlyconqueredSouthandtheNorth,hintingthatinternalmi-
grationaftertheReconquistaledtotheequalizationofmarginalproductacrossthecountry;
second,thatPortugueserealpercapitaagrarianoutputwasabovesubsistenceandhigher
thanthatofcontemporaryEnglandandWales.Thisresult,whichisrobusttotheassumptions
used,confirmsthatby1320Portugalwasa“frontiereconomy”withahighland/laborratio
and a high per capita output. This seems to reinforce the Malthusian theory that the
amountoflandperpersonwaskeyindetermininglivingstandards.Thearticlediscusses
theimplicationoftheseresultsfortheinequalityamongnations.
1.Introduction
Inequalitybetweencountrieshasdeeproots.WellbeforeEuropesurgedaheadoftherestofthe
world, there was a subtle but steady divergence within the continent, as England and the
Netherlands grew faster than their neighbors. This “Little” or “First Divergence” started
wellbeforetheperiodofrapidtechnologicaladvancethatweknowasIndustrialRevolution.
Recent reconstructions of national accounts from the late thirteenth century onward
confirm that the First Divergence might have started as soon as the fourteenth century
(Pamuk 2007).Infact,whereasSpain(A´lvarez-NogalandPradosdelaEscosura2013)and
Italy(Malanima2010)wereatsomepointcaughtbygrowthstagnationanddecayoflivingstan-
dards,EnglandandtheNetherlandsexhibitanearlycontinuousgrowthtrend(Zandenand
Leeuwen 2011; Broadberry et al. 2012). These results have the effect of moving back the
debateabouttheforcesthatunderlieeconomic inequalitybetween countriesto1300rather
than1800or1500.
By1300,however,aftercenturiesofdemographicandeconomicgrowth,Europeanecon-
omies appear to havebeen caged inside atight Malthusian regime. This meansthatoutput
increasestranslateashigherfertilityandthat,intheabsenceoftechnologicaladvance,popula-
tiongrowthleadstodiminishingreturnsoflaboraslandbecomesincreasinglyscarce.Thus,
demographicgrowthaboveacertainstandardoflivingtriggers“positivechecks”(highermor-
talityinducedbydeclininglivingconditions)orelsepreventivechecks(fertilityrestrictions).
These forces contrive to keep real per capita output constant in the long run. While they
fadedawayalongwiththeLittleDivergence(Nicolini2007;CraftsandMills2009),available
evidence indicates that by 1300 mortality still functioned as a positive check, i.e., that it
respondedtorealwages(KellyandO´ Gra´da2013,p.12).
2 EuropeanReviewofEconomicHistory
Therewas,nonetheless,hopeforfourteenth-centuryEurope.Voigtla¨nderandVoth(2013)
indicatethattheMalthusiancagewasunlockedbyaspecificallyEuropeanmortalityregime
marked by “[high-mortality] great cities, pestilence, and war” (Voigtla¨nder and Voth 2013,
p.10).Thisiscompatiblewithrecentresearchonnationalaccounts.WheretheMalthusian
trap was more severe, per capita output and real wages appear relieved by the Black Death
(Malanima2010;Broadberryetal.2012).Theallegedpositiveimpactsofwarwerealsocon-
firmed,albeitlessdirectlybyA´lvarez-NogalandPradosdelaEscosura(2013,figure7),who
arguethattheconquestoftheMuslim-heldhalfofthePeninsulacontributedtoahigh-mark
of real per capita output that would not be bettered until the nineteenth century. The
Reconquistaturned present-daySpain into a “frontiereconomy”, acountrywith afavorable
land/laborratioinaperiodwhenmostEuropeancountriessufferedfromdecreasingmarginal
returns.
Inshort,inaMalthusiancontext,ittakesplentyoflandtobealandofplenty.Thisarticle
provides further evidence for this by estimating a benchmark for Portuguese agricultural
outputforthedecade1311–20.ThecaseofPortugal,whoseReconquistaendedin1249,will
testwhetherfavorableland/laborratiosallowedindeedforbetterlivingconditions.
The second intended contributionisenlargingthenumberofcountriesthatcanbesum-
monedtothisdebate.Assessinglivingstandardsandinequalitybetweennationshingesonac-
curateandcomparableestimatesofpercapitaoutputfordifferentcountries.Thesearedifficult
toconstructforearlierperiodsduetothescarcityofdataandtothemethodologicalchallenges
earliersourcescreate.Presently,notonlythediscussionislimitedtoafewcountriesbutalsoitis
mostlybasedonindirect,demand-sidereconstructions,whichposeoverwhelmingindexpro-
blemsandrelymainlyonrealwages.Researchisstartingtotakethealternativepathofrecon-
structingnationalaccountsfromtheoutputside.ThiswasattemptedforEnglandfrom1270to
1870byBroadberryetal.(2012),whofoundevidenceofpercapitagrowthsincethethirteenth
century,contradictingthepessimismofearlierresearchbaseduponproductandfactorprices.
Finally,thepresentbenchmarkrepresentsafirststeptowardquantifyingpre-1500Portuguese
economy.Theviewsonthecountry’slong-termdevelopmenthavelargelyadoptedthepessim-
istic thesisdrawninteraliabytheinfluential medievalistOliveiraMarques.For thisschoolof
thought,structuralproblemslikeinadequatenaturalresources,peripheralposition,poorcom-
munications,andunevenurbandevelopmentmeantthatagriculturestruggledtoprovidethene-
cessaryproducts.TheGreatPlagueofferedonlyatemporaryrespitetoapoorlyfedpopulation
livinginademographicallysaturatedcountry.Post-Plaguewelfaregainswouldprovetemporary,
asthe structuralproblemssubsidedand condemnedPortugaltobe onthewrongsideofthe
Europeandivergence(Marques1978,1987).
Thearticleisstructuredasfollows.Section2willprovideanoverviewofPortugueseagricul-
tureandinstitutionsc.1300.Section3willpresenttheavailabledataandestimationmethods
used. Section 4 will show the implications of the estimates in a comparative context, while
section5willdiscusstherobustnessofthedataanditscompatibilitywithotherevidenceon
livingstandards.Finally,Section6willresumethedebatepresentedinthisintroductionand
conclude.
2.Historicalbackground
By 1300, contrary to most European economies where natural resources were stretched by
centuries of population growth (Campbell 2008; Clark, 2010, table 18; Malanima 2009),
Portugalcouldstillbedefinedasa“frontiereconomy”,alabor-scarceratherthanaland-scarce
Plentyofland,landofplenty 3
agrarianeconomy.ThecaptureoftheAlgarvebyKingAfonsoIIIin1249culminatedaswift
advance through the southern plains that led to a 35 percent increase in the area of the
kingdominaboutthreedecades(1217–49).Asacentury(1147–1249)ofnearlycontinuous
war had driven a large share of the Muslim population away, conquered lands were thinly
settled, when not abandoned. Large-scale migration to Muslim-held territory in Spain or
North Africa followed the Reconquista and the Moors who remained under Christian rule
wereconfinedtoone-thirdorone-fifthofarableland(Fernandes2000;Barros2007).
Withtheformeroccupantslargelygoneordispossessed,thesouthofferedalargespaceto
Portuguesesettlers.Giventheabsenceofeffectivefeudalrestrictionsonlabormobility,north-
southmigrationensued(Barbosa1992,p.169;Viana2007).Thesettlementoftheconquered
lands was gradual rather than immediate as potential migrants had other options. In older
lands, there was still scope for assarts and clearances in the first half of the fourteenth
century.Thecrownwaivedprivilegesandpromisedself-governmentinorder toattractnew
settlers to the string of fortified towns founded along the border with Castile. Thus, there
was an eastward, as well as a southward, flow from the densely populated lands in
the Northwest to the frontier. Both frontiers proved spacious enough to accommodate
Portugueseandevenforeignsettlers.In1340s,therewasstillroomtofoundvillagesnearthe
best wheat-growing lands (Viana 2007). In the 1320s, settlement of the new areas was still
underway,especiallyinthesouth.In1329,nearlyacenturyafteritsconquest,thesouthwest
couldstillbedescribedas“anewland,withmuchroomforimprovement”(TT,Ordemde
Santiago/ConventodePalmela,DR,1,25).
Inafrontiereconomy,theavailabilityoflandiscorrelativetothescarcityoflabor.Thiswas
the case of Portugal. As mentioned, labor flowed without much hindrance from northern
Portugaltotheeastandsouth.Laborfreedomopenedupthepossibilityofequalingmarginal
productacrosstheoldandnewlands.Thisappearsconfirmedbytheproximityofannualwages
in thedenselysettled northwestin 1253 (Marques 1971) andin asouthern newlycolonized
village in 1271 (Saraiva 1997). Royal laws pressing down wages in 1211, 1253, and 1340
confirmatthemanpowerdifficultiesfacinglandownerswellbeforethePlague.
Themigrantsfromthenorthbenefittedfromlarge-scaledistributionsofarableplotsinthe
newlands.Thisredistributiongavewaytoanewsystemofpropertyrightsandtomunicipal
institutions with a strong element of self-rule (Esteves 2003). The municipalities founded
intheconqueredlandsassignedunoccupiedlandtotheincomingsettlers,aprocessthatcon-
tinueduptothemid-fourteenthcentury(Rau1982).Municipallaw,setinroyalcharters,pro-
tectedindividualpropertyrightsandregulatedtheuseofthecommons.Whilesubjecttoroyal
(orevenseigniorial)authorityandtaxation,suchtownshadameasureofself-ruleandoffered
analternativetomoreforcefulseigniorialjurisdiction(Mattoso2001).Thus,toalargeextent,
institutions appear little influenced by feudal limitations. For instance, the customs of
Santare´m, which expressly forbade seigniorial monopolies on mills, were applied to the
entirekingdombyAfonsoIII(1248–79)(Gonc¸alves1989,p.168).
Theampleavailabilityoflandforsettlerswenthand-in-handwithrelativelylowlevelsofur-
banization.Inthisrespect,thePortuguesecontrastedwiththeSpanishone.TheIslamicurban
networkinPortuguese-heldterritorywasperipheral:neitherLisbonnorSantare´mhadbeen
Muslimcapitals.BejaandE´voraandtheportsoftheAlgarve(Silves,Faro,andTavira)had
atsomepointbeencapitalsorcity-states.Allthesewereconsiderablysmaller thanthemain
MuslimcitiessuchasCo´rdoba,Seville,Toledo,Valencia,orZaragoza.TheReconquistafurther
disruptedthelinkswiththesecenters.AsPortuguesetradeveeredtowardtheAtlantic,commerce
withCastilewassevered.ThesedifferencesshowupinPortugueseandSpanishurbanizationrates
c.1300,withthelatterbeingoneofthehighestinEuropeandtheformerbelowaverage(Malanima
4 EuropeanReviewofEconomicHistory
2009,p.245).Mostoftheonehundredorsomunicipaltowns(vilas)wereessentiallyadministrative
andmilitary.Thesemunicipalitieserectedbarrierstotradeandshowfewsignsofeconomicspecial-
ization.Thus,onthewhole,Portugueseurbannetworksofferedfewdemand-sidestimuliforits
agriculture.Thiswascompoundedbythelimitedimportanceofthewageeconomy,inacountry
whereaccesstolandeitherthroughownershiporleaseknewfewlimitations.
3.Data
ItispossibletoreconstructPortuguesepercapitaagrarianoutputfor1311–20bycombiningdata
fromdifferentsources.Forthesakeofclarity,Section3wasdividedintofourparts:Subsection3.1
presentstherelevantsources,Subsection3.2estimatestitherevenuesfromthisevidence,andthe
two remaining subsections convert tithes revenues in output (Subsection 3.3) and percapita
output(Subsection3.4).
3.1Sources
Totaltitherevenuesfor1311–20canbeobtainedbycombiningthetaxatio,anextraordinary
sourcethatcontainstheassessmentoftherevenuesofallPortugueseparishesin1320,witha
few roughly contemporary tithe accounts at parish level. The taxatio was compiled on
demandofPopeJohnXXII,whohadagreedin1319togranttotheKingofPortugalatenth
ofalltheecclesiasticalbeneficeswithinthekingdom.Theassessment(taxatio)ofthebenefices
wasconductedbyanEnglishprelatealongwithtwonativeclergymen,whovaluedtherevenues
ofthe2,768ecclesiasticalbeneficesoftherealm,including2,423parishchurches(figure1).
Thetroikawascarefulenoughtoavoiddouble-countingbydistinguishingthedifferentrecipi-
entsofeachbeneficeandwasinstructedtolightentheburdenofpoorerbenefices(Boissellier
2012,p.125).Conveniently,allassessmentsareexpressedinmoneyofaccount (Portuguese
libras)andstandfortheaveragerevenueofthetenprecedingyears,averyconsiderategesture
towardfuturehistorians.Thissourcewasrecentlyre-editedbyBoissellier(2012).
In contrast, accounts indicating the tithes collected at parish level are very hard to find.
Searchesinarchivesandinpublishedsourcesonlyrenderedaccountsfortenparishesinthe
period1309–27.Sixaccountsrelatetochurchesbelongingtomilitaryordersand,accordingly,
record only the patronal share of the tithes. Of these, five were found inside a later copyof
theaccountsoftheextinctKnightsTemplar(seefigure2),whilethesixthsourcewasrecently
identified(Oliveira2012).Anenquiryontheproductionofthelandsdisputedbyrivalparish
churches in Torres Vedras in 1309 provides the remaining four accounts. This enquiry was
published by Johnson (1970) and its data were worked by Lopes (1966). Unlike the other
accounts,thisoneindicatesthetotal,i.e.,pre-tithe,output.Thedatafromthesesourcesare
systematized at table A1, with all payments in kind converted to Portuguese libras, using
1311–20prices.
3.2Fromtaxatioassessmentstothetithe
Essentially,thepresentreconstructionofthetotaltitheinthekingdomcombinesthevariation
of parish assessments in the kingdom (given in the taxatio) with the volumes provided by
contemporary tithe parish accounts. This method is based upon three assumptions about
ecclesiasticaltaxationinfourteenth-centuryPortugal.
Plentyofland,landofplenty 5
Figure1.ThediocesesinPortugal,c.1320(approx.limits).
CartographybyCla´udiaViana.
6 EuropeanReviewofEconomicHistory
The firstassumption isthat tithes provided the bulkof parish revenues, like elsewhere in
Europe(Viader2010,pp.17–8).Thus,thevariationwithinthetaxatioreflectsthevariation
inthetithecollectedratherthanrentsorotherpatrimonialrevenues.
Thesecondisthattheassessmentofeachparishshowninthetaxatioislowerthanone-third
oftheactualtithescollected.Infact,parishclergyonlyretainedashare,typicallyone-third,of
thegrosstitheinordertomaintaintheirlivelihood,asprescribedbycannonlaw(Viterbo1966,
II,p.171),andpaythetaxesandfeesowedtothebishop(Costa[1959]1997–2000;Vilar2007).
Thebishoporchaptercollectedyetanotherthird,whiletheremainingonewasassignedtothe
churchpatronwho,intheory,hadtopayforthecultexpensesandconservationworks(Vilar
1999;Almeida1910–28).Thus,parishbeneficesobtainedone-thirdofthetithes,atbest.
Thefinalassumptionisthattheassessmentsoftheparishesfollowedaprogressiverationale.
Thisisclearlystatedinthepapalinstructionstothetroika,whowasurgedtoassessonlynet
revenue(i.e.,discountingepiscopaltaxesthatvicarswereliableto)andtoproceedwith“just
andequalmoderation”inordernottooverloadpoorerbenefices.Thismadesense,asexpenses
withthebuildings,thecultorthesustenanceofthevicardidnotdecreaseaccordingtothesize
orwealthoftheparish.Moreover,themarginalutilityoftherevenueswasgreaterfortheholders
ofpoorerbenefices.
Thecomparisonofthevaluesobtainedfromparishtitheaccountswiththosetakenfromthe
taxatio(seetableA1)fullyconfirmstheseobservations.
First,parishaccounts showthatthetithe dwarfedthe remaining sourcesofincome (land
rents, alms, and fines). The strong correlation between the tithe collected in these parishes
andtheir taxatioassessment (r2¼0.9668)confirmsthatthevariationofparishassessments
hingesuponthevariationofthetithe.
Second,asanticipated,titherevenuesareamultipleoftheparishevaluationsin1320.Infact,
thismultipleisconsiderablylargerthanthree.Tomaristheproverbialexceptionthatprovesthe
rulebecause,asanulliusdiocesisterritory,itdidnotshareitstithewiththelocalbishop.
Finally, the accounts attest that the assessments of wealthier parish benefices was in fact
moreseverethanthoseofthepoorerones,asstatedbythepapalinstructions.Seemingly,the
concern with poor parishes took the form of progressive assessment rates. This should not
comeasasurprisegiventhatconceptslikenet/gross,marginalutility,andevenpovertythresh-
old(estimatedat80librasbythearchbishopofBragain1296;Repas2003,doc.149)impreg-
natedecclesiasticaltaxation.
Giventhatthetroikaunder-assessedpoorerparishesandthatbeneficeswereafractionofthe
tithe,thetithewasmorethanthreetimesthetaxatio.Inordertoconvertthevaluesofthetaxatio
intothetotaltithe,weinferredafunctionalrelationshipbetweentheassessments(x)andthe
ratesatwhichtheyweretaxed(y)inoursample(tableA1).Usingthebestfitforthisregression,
weobtainacurvethatroughly(r2¼0.6738)capturestherelationshipbetweenthesetwovari-
ables. With this regression we can predict the annual total tithe byadding up the predicted
valuesofallthe2423parishassessments.Thus,thepredictedvalueoftheannualtithecollected
inPortugalduringthe1311–20periodis1.5millionPortugueselibras.
3.3Fromthetithetooutput
Itisrealistictousetitherevenuesasabasisforestimatingagrarianoutputinfourteenth-century
Portugal.Infact,theunderlyingrationaleofthetithewasthatallfruitsofnatureoughttobe
tithedinordertoacknowledgethatnaturewaslenttomanbyGod(Henriques2013).Thus,
tithes tapped essentially outputs (e.g., animal offspring) and left out inputs (e.g., breeding
animals). As ordered by the archbishop of Braga in 1304, tithes ought to be paid gross,
Plentyofland,landofplenty 7
“withoutallowingforexpenses”(Viterbo1966,pp.247 –8).Therewasnoexemptionforself-
consumptionorrentandboththemarket-orientedproducts(grain,livestock,wine,andolive
oil)andthegoodsproducedandconsumedwithinthehouseholdweretithed.Thecentralizing
effortsofthebishopsledtotheadoptionofacommonsetofrulesregardingthecollection,man-
agement,anddivisionoftitherevenuesthroughouttherealm,includingmakingroyal,church,
andnoblelandsliabletothetithe(Vilar1999).Muslimpopulationwasanexceptioninsofarasit
paidthetithetothekingratherthantothechurch(Barros2007).
However,thesimpleten-foldmultiplicationofthetotaltithedoesnotamounttoeithernetor
grossagrarianproduct.Commoditiesweretithed,i.e.,dividedbyten,atdifferentstagesoftheir
productionprocess.Grainwastithedgrossofseedsand,hence,titherevenuesonthearablesector
tappedmorethanone-tenthofnetoutput.Thesamecanbesaidofthesectorsinwhichthetithe
fellonfinishedproducts,i.e.,onwineandoliveoil,ratherthanongrapesandolives.Incontrast,
thetithepaidbythepastoralsectorwasconsiderablylessthanone-tenthoftheoutput.Infact,this
taxfellontheoutputofthelivestock,thatittosay,offspring,dairyproductsandwool.Thiscri-
terionleftoutthelion’sshareofthissector:animalsslaughteredformeat.
Thesharesofnetoutputtakenbythetitheinthemainagrariancommoditiescanbequan-
tified(Henriques2013,p.86).Thetitheongraintapped12.5percentofthevalueofarable
output.Tithesonwineandoliveoilwerelesssevere,astheystoodfor10.3and11.1percent,
respectively. Finally, tithes on livestock took only modest shares of the production (2.7
percentforbovines,3.4percentforswine,4.5percentforsheep,and5.5percentforsheep).
Bycombiningthesecoefficientswiththesharesofthesesectorsintheagrarianproduct (see
tableA3),wefindthattithestapped10.75timestheagrarianoutput.Hence,thecoefficient
required to obtain the agrarian output from the total tithe revenues is 9.3 (the inverse of
10.75)ratherthan10.ThismeansthatPortugueseagrarianyearlyoutputin1311–20amounted
tosome14millionlibras.
3.4Fromoutputtopercapitaoutput
Totalnetoutputbecomesmeaningfulwhendividedbypopulation.Themostconsistentap-
proachtothisvariableremainsthatbyMattoso,whoproposedatotalpopulationof700,000
souls for 1290. His method was to apply to the whole kingdom the ratio between notaries
publicandthedemographicdensityinavastareaforwhichtherewasreasonabledemographic
information(Mattoso2001,pp.14–8).Mattosoadmittedthathisfigurewas“almostcertainly
too low”. In fact, the implied population density (7.8/km2; 4.8/sq. mile) is about half that
for contemporary Scotland as estimated by Campbell (2008, p.927 ). However, Mattoso’s
methodreturnsapopulationslightlyoveronemillionifcorrectedusingnewresearchonthe
actualnumbersanddistributionofallthenotariespublic(Sa´Nogueira2008)andeliminating
somemajorempiricalflaws.Thisfigure,whichimpliesapopulationdensityof11.4/km2anda
percapitaagrarianoutputnearing14libras,appearsfarmorereasonable.Thefullresultsanda
moredetaileddiscussionofthisissuecanbefoundintableA4.
4.Mainresults
Twomainfindingsemergefromthepresentestimates.Thefirstfindingisthatlaborseizedthe
opportunitiesopenedupbytheReconquistaandmigratedsouth,thuspostponingdecreasing
returns. Second, that Portuguese per capita agrarian output was considerably higher than
thatinEngland,acountrystrugglingwithanoversupplyoflabor.
8 EuropeanReviewofEconomicHistory
Theregionaldistributionofgrossandpercapitaagrarianoutputisshownintable1.These
estimates can be complemented by a rough measure of productivity. In the absence of any
detaileddataonworkforcedistribution,astraightforwardmethodisdividingoutputbyrural
population, assuming that all population from “urban” (i.e., .5,000 inhabitants) centers
worked in services or industry. The estimates compiled in the Atlas de Cidades Medievais
(Marquesetal.1990)allowsustocalculateurbanpopulation.Naturally,thisonlyprovides
aroughindicatorastheidentificationof“urban”and“non-agrarian”doessitwellinsouthern
Europewherelarge“agro-towns”exist,reflectingtheconcentrationoflandownersratherthan
agriculturalsurplus:Santare´m,thearchetypal“agro-town”,hadaboutthesamesizeasPorto,a
service-andmanufacture-dominatedborough(Viana2007;Melo2009).
ThepercapitadataappearmorerealisticandintelligibleifthedioceseofSilvesisexcluded.
Theparishnetworkofthisrecentlyconqueredterritorywasstillveryloose(onlynineparishes)
anditconcentratedtheMuslimminority(whosetithewaspaidtothekingratherthantothe
church).Withthisexception,thedistributionofagrarianoutputiscoherentwiththe“frontier
economy”theory.ThedioceseofE´vora,whichcoveredmostofthenewterritoryandhadthe
lowestdensity,hasthehighestpercapitaagrarianoutput,withLisbon,whichalsocomprised
recently occupied territory, not far behind. On the whole, however, differences are slight.
Thebalanced distributionofpercapitaagrarianoutput impliesthatthemovementoflabor
towardnewterritoriesledtotheequalizationofmarginalproductsacrossthekingdom. Per
capita outputindenselysettled (BragaWest,Porto,andTuy)wasnotfarbehind.Freedom
ofmovementmeantthatsurplusworkerscouldrelocatetothesouthinorder toobtainland
and/orbetterwages(figure2).
Aswithmostmainlyagrarianeconomies,theobservedinter-regionalvariationcanbeattrib-
utedtogeographicalfactors.Percapitaagrarianoutputwaslowerinthelandlockedhighlands
intheinterior(Lamego,Viseu,Guarda,andCiudadRodrigo)and,toalesserextent,inthe
eastern side of the archdiocese of Braga and in Tuy. These overwhelmingly rural dioceses
Table1.Regionaldistributionofagrarianoutputin1311–20inPortugueselibras
Diocese Agrarianout- p.c. AgrarianOutput/Rural Pop.per
put Agrarian Population km2
(in1000libras) output
BragaEast 916.3 13.7 13.7 9.0
BragaWest 3,501.0 15.7 15.7 31.7
CiudadRodrigo 72.6 10.3 10.3 4.5
Coimbra 1,469.8 14.9 15.8 11.5
E´vora+Badajoz 1,593.6 15.1 17.2 4.1
Guarda 873.0 12.4 12.4 6.0
Lamego 691.3 12.2 12.2 16.6
Lisboa 2,152.0 13.9 16.3 15.6
Porto 1,064.0 15.1 17.0 25.6
Silves 141.4 5.0 5.0 5.7
Tuy 845.7 14.1 14.1 34.0
Viseu 843.9 12.0 12.0 18.3
Average(excluding 13.6 14.2 16.1
Silves)
Source:tablesA2andA4–A6.
Notes:Bragawassplitintwo,separatingtheeasternhighlands(orTra´s-os-Montes)fromthecoastalcoreofthediocese;
likewise,thetwoparishesofBadajozwereunitedtotheadjacentdiocese,E´vora.
Plentyofland,landofplenty 9
Figure 2. Accounts of the Knights Templar. The spiritual revenues of the parish of
Marmeleira in 1312, including tithes start at line 10 (TT, Ordem de Cristo/Convento de
Tomar,mc¸.1,n.16,fol.9).
Copyright:ArquivoNacional/TorredoTombo.
10 EuropeanReviewofEconomicHistory
Figure3.Regionaldifferencesinpercapitaagrarianoutput.
CartographybyCla´udiaViana.