Introduction for Engels’ The Condition of The Working Class in England: From Personal Observation to Authentic Sources

11 Pages·1969·19.89 MB·English

by  Eric Hobsbawm

Introduction
Eric J. Hobsbawm
Frederick Engels, it is bard to remember, was twenty-four
years old when he wrote the Condition of the Working Class.
He was exceptionally well qualified for the task. He came `
from a wealthy family of cotton manufacturers in Barmen
in the Rhineland. and one which had, moreover, been astute
enough to establish a branch (Ermen & Engels) in the very
centre of the economy of industrial capitalism, in Man-
chester itself . The young Engels, surrounded by the horrors
of early industrial capitalism and reacting against the narrow
and selfrighteous pictism of his home, took the usual road of
progressive young German intellectuals in the late 18305.
Like his slightly older contemporary Karl Marx he became a
(cid:24)left Hegelian - Hegel's philosophy then dominated higher
education in the Prussian capital, Berliml, leaned increas-
ingly towards communism and began to contribute to vari-
ous periodicals and publications in which the German left
attempted to formulate its critique of society. Soon he con-
sidered himself a communist. It is not clear whether the
decision to settle in England for a while was his or his
father's. Probably both favoured it for different reasons: old
Engels in order to remove his revolutionary son from the
agitation of Germany and turn him into a solid businessman,
young Engels. in order to be in the centre of modern capital-
ism and near the great movements of the British proletariat,
which he already recognized as the crucial revolutionary
force in the modern world.
Engels left for England in the autumn of 1842, making his
first personal contact with Marx on the way, and remained
there for the better part of two years, observing, studying.
and formul ating his ideas By the early months of 1844 he
1 .
was certainly at work on the book, though most of the writ-
ing was done in the winter of 1844-5, The work appeared
1 Apart from the Conditions the chief results of his stay were
the Umrisse zu einer Kritik der Nat!onaloekonom!e, an early
though still imperfect sketch of a marxist economic analys
and articles about England for various continental papers nd
about continental developments for the Owenite e Moraf
World. Cf. Karl Marx-Friedrich Engels. Werke (Berlin I956) I.
454-592.
Engels, Friedrich 1979 The Condition of The Working Class in England: From Personal
Observation to Authentic Sources. London: Granada.
antimarxists peJiodically to accuse him of plagiarism when
i1"1 i l fl Ila| }() fin iiI Len) zig , in t he su mmcr of 1845, with a
I)' cl ace at-1(1 (le dic at ion (i n ElI glislA) 'to the working clas es of unable to think of an ything better 1 .
(.`,(I' a t BI itaill '1 , It IV as p Ul)}iS }led in Englis h, with light However , it differed fro m appare ntl y Simi far con te mpo-
rc v i ons by the author but substantial prefaces in 1887 rary works in several ways . Firstly it was, as Engels himself
( /\ merican edi tion) and 1892 (British edition). It thus took justly claimed, the first book in Britain or any other country
which dealt with the working class as a whole and not
t hc bes t pa rt of a half -cen tury f or this masterfliece ,}bout
caI ly industrial E~ngfand to reach the country which was its merely with particular sections and industries. Secondly, and
sul>ject~ Since then, howener, it has been familiar tO cvery more important, it was not merely a survey of working class
student of tlxe Industrial Revolution, if only by name. conditions, but a general analysis of the evolution of indus-
The idea of writing a book about the condition of the trial capitalism, of the social impact of industrialization and
lal>ouring classes was not in itself original. By the 18 os it its political and social consequences - including the rise of the
had become clear to every intelligent observer that th<`.e co- labour movement. In fact, it was the first large-scale attempt
llomically advanced parts of Europe faced a social prc,blem to apply the marxist method to the concrete study of society,
w hic h was no longer Sim ply that of (cid:24) the poor' but of a his- and probably the first work by either Marx or Engels which
torically unprecedented class, the proletariat. The 18365 and the founders of Marxism regarded as sufficiently valuable to
184os, a decisive period in the evolution of capitalism and merit permanent preservation2. However, as Engels makes
the working class movement therefore saw books, pamph- clear in the x8 92 Pref ace, his book did not yet represent a
lets and inquiries into the condition of the working classes mature Marxism but rather (cid:24)one of the phases of its embry-
multiplying all over western Europe. Engels book is the most onic development. For the mature and fully formulated
eminent piece of writing of this kind, though L. Vilferme's
Tab leau de IEt at Phy si que et M oral des Ouvriers emplo y
Argument and analysis.
dans !es M anu fa ctur es de Cot 012 , de La! ne et de Soie (1~8 40)
deserve s m e ntion as a very distinguished piece of social inves- The work begins with a brief sketch of that Industrial Revo-
tigatiou. It was also clear that the problem of the prole tariat lution which transformed British society and created, as its
w as not merely local or national, but interfxational. Buret chief product, the proletariat. (Chapters I-II). This is the
compared English and French conditions (La misre des first of Engels pioneering achievements, for the Condition
classes laborieuses en France et en Anfl!eterre, 1840) and is probably the earliest large work whose analysis is syste"
Ducptiaux compiled data on the conditions of roung matically based on the concept of the Industrial Revolution,
workers all over Europe in 1843. Engels book was thel`efore which was then novel and tentative, having only been inven-
not an isolated literary phenomenon, a fact which has led ted in British and French socialist discussions during the
18205. Engels historical account of this transformation lays
An1s Dchiaeu uLnugg e fdinerd aarubtehietnentidsecnh en KlaQssuee lleinn Ennognla nFd.r iedNraicchh cFi.gIlegneelrs. in 1 GNuosttaabvl y Mafryoemr, FBruierdetr.i chT hEe ngcehlasr gveo l. isI (dHisacguuses ed1 93a4n) d I9d5i,s mpaisrstleyd
Leipzig. Druck und Verlag non Otto Wigand. x845. A econd on the ground tl\at Burets views have nothing in common with
GMearrm xa-nE ngeedlsi tioGne sawmatsa upsugbalbiseh ed( secinti onI8 9 I2, . vTohle. 4st apn.d a5rd-2 86e)d, it Bioenr liins iEs ngneol s,e vipdaerntclye oonf Ethneg eelsv ena cqmuaoirnet anucnea ssawilaitbhl e Bugrreotusn d botohka t bethfoerree
19 3 2 , w here a num her of slips and misprints are corrccte(l. The his return from England.
_basic English text, used here, is that of the 1892 British edition. 2 The only other works of the pre-Communist Manifesto period
fGlle fullest English edition is that of W. O. Henderson and W. H. which Engels regarded as worthy of republication in book-form
| Cllalonex (Oxford I958), where all Engels references hav(` been in his lifetime are Marx Theses on Feuerbach and the Po vert y of
(_ Checked and where necessary corrected, supplementary inl~orma- Philosoph y ( x8 47). The doubt about the priority of Engels work
Lt'ion added, and the text retranslated. Unforfunately the transla- arises, because we do not know just when in the spring of 1845
fion is not alwa ys reliable and the work suffers from the etors Marx drafted his great Theses. It is barely possible that he did
st roIlg but vain desire to discr'edit Engels' book. so before I5th March, when Engels signed the Preface to his book.
antimarxists peJiodically to accuse him of plagiarism when
unable to think of an ything better
1 .
However , it differed fro m appare ntl y Simi far con te mpo-
rary works in several ways . Firstly it was, as Engels himself
justly claimed, the first book in Britain or any other country
which dealt with the working class as a whole and not
merely with particular sections and industries. Secondly, and
more important, it was not merely a survey of working class
conditions, but a general analysis of the evolution of indus-
trial capitalism, of the social impact of industrialization and
its political and social consequences - including the rise of the
labour movement. In fact, it was the first large-scale attempt
to apply the marxist method to the concrete study of society,
and probably the first work by either Marx or Engels which
the founders of Marxism regarded as sufficiently valuable to
merit permanent preservation2. However, as Engels makes
clear in the x8 92 Pref ace, his book did not yet represent a
mature Marxism but rather (cid:24)one of the phases of its embry-
onic development. For the mature and fully formulated
interpretation we must go to Marx Capital.
Argument and analysis.
The work begins with a brief sketch of that Industrial Revo-
lution which transformed British society and created, as its
chief product, the proletariat. (Chapters I-II). This is the
first of Engels pioneering achievements, for the Condition
is probably the earliest large work whose analysis is syste"
matically based on the concept of the Industrial Revolution,
which was then novel and tentative, having only been inven-
ted in British and French socialist discussions during the
18205. Engels historical account of this transformation lays
Notably from Buret. The charge is discussed and dismissed
1
in Gustav Mayer, Friedrich Engels vol. I (Hague 1934) I95, partly
on the ground tl\at Burets views have nothing in common with
Engels, partly on the even more unassailable ground that there
is no evidence of Engels acquaintance with Burets book before
his return from England.
2 The only other works of the pre-Communist Manifesto period
which Engels regarded as worthy of republication in book-form
in his lifetime are Marx Theses on Feuerbach and the Po vert y of
Philosoph y ( x8 47). The doubt about the priority of Engels work
arises, because we do not know just when in the spring of 1845
Marx drafted his great Theses. It is barely possible that he did
so before I5th March, when Engels signed the Preface to his book.
9
no claim to historical originalit y , Though still use[ ul , it has everywhere marauders who plunder under the protection of
been stifle I ded by later and f utter works , the Jaw. In this anarchy those who own no means of life
Soci all y Ln gels sees t he transformations hr ought about by arid production al e def eated and reduced to Jabouring for
the Judustr i aJ Ren o\ution as a gigantic process of concentra- a pittance or to starvation when unemployed. And what
tion and polarization, whose tendency is to create a growing is worse to a life of profound insecurity in which the
pro|et atlat , an increasingly small bourgeoisie of increasingly workers future is utterly unknown and unse ttled. In f act,
large capitalists, both in an increasingly urbanized society. it is governed by the Jaws of capitalist competition which
'llle rise of capitalist industrialism destroys the petty com- Engels discusses in chapter JV.
modity producers, peasantry, and petty-bourgeoisie, and the The workers wage fluctuates between a minimum subsis-
decline of these intermediate strata, depriving the worker of tence rate - though this is not a rigid concept for EngeJs -
the possibility of becoming a small master, confines him to which is set by the workers competition with one another,
the ranks of the proletariat which thus becomes (cid:24)a defin- but limited by their inability to work below subsistence,
ite class in the population, whereas it had only been a transi- and a maximum, set by the competition of capitalists with
tional stage towards entering into the middle cJasses'. The one another in times of labour shortage. The average wage
workers therefore develop class consciousness G the term is likely to be somewhat above the minim um : how much
itself is not used by Engels - and a Jabour movement. Here is depends on the customary or acquired standard of Jiving of
another of Engels major achievements. In Lenins words (cid:24)he the'workers. But certain kinds of labour, notably in industry,
was among the first to say that the proletariat is not only a require better qualified workers, and their average wage-
class that suffers; that it is precisely its shame{ ul economic level is therefore higher than the rest, though part of this
situation which irresistibly drives it forward, and obliges it higher level also reflects the higher cost of Jiving in the
to s t ruggle fo r its final emancipation 1 . cities. (This higher urban and industrial wage level also helps
Howe ver, this pr ocess of concentration, polarization , and to enlarge the working class by attracting rural and foreign -
ur banization is not f ortuitous. Large-scale mechanized indus- Jrish - immigrants). However, the competition between
try r equires growing capital investments, its division of workers creates a permanent (cid:24)surplus population - what
labour requires the accumulation of large numbers of pro- Marx was later to call the industrial reserve army - which
letarians. Such large units of production, even when built in
keeps down the standard of all.
the countryside, attract communities round them, which
This is so despite the expansion of the whole economy,
will produce a surplus Jabour force, so that wages fall and due to the cheapening of goods through technological pro-
other industrialists are attracted. Thus industrial villages gress, which increases demand and reabsorbs many of the
grow into cities, which continue to expand, because of the
workers it displaces into new industries. Jt is also due to
EcoI I omic advantages they provide f or industrialists. Though Britains industrial world monopoly. Hence population grows,
ind ustry will tend to migrate from the higher urban to the production increases, and so does the demand for Jabour.
lower rural wages, this will in turn plant the seeds of
Nevertheless, the (cid:24)surplus population is kept in being be-
urbanism in the countryside. cause of the operation of the periodic cycle of prosperity
For Engels the great cities are therefore the most typical and crisis, which Engels was one of the first to recognize as
locations of capitalism and he discusses them in chapter III.
an integral part of capitalism, and for which he was one of
There unrestrained exploitation and competition appear in
the first to suggest a precise periodicity The recognition
I .
their most naked form: (cid:24)everywhere barbarous indifference,
hard selfishness on one side, unspeakable misery on the
1 He may have owed something to Sismondi here. and more to
other, everywhere social war, every man's house a fortress, John Wade, Histor y oI the M iddle and Working Classes ( IS3),
a work used in the preparation of this book. Wade suggests a
I From the article Frederick Engels, written in I895. (Marx- cycle of 5-7 years, which Engels adopts, though he later aban-
Engels-M av xism, London I935, 37 .)
IO
everywhere marauders who plunder under the protection of
the Jaw. In this anarchy those who own no means of life
arid production al e def eated and reduced to Jabouring for
a pittance or to starvation when unemployed. And what
is worse to a life of profound insecurity in which the
workers future is utterly unknown and unse ttled. In f act,
it is governed by the Jaws of capitalist competition which
Engels discusses in chapter JV.
The workers wage fluctuates between a minimum subsis-
tence rate - though this is not a rigid concept for EngeJs -
which is set by the workers competition with one another,
but limited by their inability to work below subsistence,
and a maximum, set by the competition of capitalists with
one another in times of labour shortage. The average wage
is likely to be somewhat above the minim um : how much
depends on the customary or acquired standard of Jiving of
the'workers. But certain kinds of labour, notably in industry,
require better qualified workers, and their average wage-
level is therefore higher than the rest, though part of this
higher level also reflects the higher cost of Jiving in the
cities. (This higher urban and industrial wage level also helps
to enlarge the working class by attracting rural and foreign -
Jrish - immigrants). However, the competition between
workers creates a permanent (cid:24)surplus population - what
Marx was later to call the industrial reserve army - which
keeps down the standard of all.
This is so despite the expansion of the whole economy,
due to the cheapening of goods through technological pro-
gress, which increases demand and reabsorbs many of the
workers it displaces into new industries. Jt is also due to
Britains industrial world monopoly. Hence population grows,
production increases, and so does the demand for Jabour.
Nevertheless, the (cid:24)surplus population is kept in being be-
cause of the operation of the periodic cycle of prosperity
and crisis, which Engels was one of the first to recognize as
an integral part of capitalism, and for which he was one of
the first to suggest a precise periodicity The recognition
I .
1 He may have owed something to Sismondi here. and more to
John Wade, Histor y oI the M iddle and Working Classes ( IS3),
a work used in the preparation of this book. Wade suggests a
cycle of 5-7 years, which Engels adopts, though he later aban-
doned it in favour of a ten-year cycle.
of a rcserve army as a permanently essential part or capi' tlle increase in drunkenness, vice, crime, and irrational Spcrid-
t atim aI Yd of t he t r ade cycle. are t wo f urf her impor taut ing, is a social phenomenon, the crcation of capitalfsm, and
pieces of t heoreti c al I) io )leering. Since capi ta!ism opera tes not to be explained by the weakness and shiftJessness of
t ftI ough fl ncl u tioIls , it xJz L ist have a permanent eser vc of individuals. Others submit passinely to their fate and exist
\\ o I kers , excep t at the very peak of the booms . T e rese rve as best they can as respectable law-abiding citizens, take no
is compose d p artly of prolet arians, partly of poten tial pl-O- interest in public affairs and thus actually help the middle
let ar i a o UHt ry me n , Irish immigrants, people f rom class to tighten the chains which bind the workers. But real
Ils - c
ecouo mic all}7 less dy n am ic occupa Lions, humanity and dignity are to be found only in the fight against
What kind of working class does capitalism produce? the bourgeoisie, in the labour movement which the workers
What are its conditions of life. what sort of individual and conditions inevitably produce.
c ollec fl` ve be ha viour do t hese m a teri al conditions cre ate ? This movement passes through various stages. Individual
En gels devotes t he greater part of his book (chapters III, revolt - crime - may be one, machine-wrecking another,
V~ XI) to the description and analysis of these matters and though neither are universally found. Trade unionism and
in doing so produces his most mature contribution to social strikes are the first general forms taken by the movement.
scietlce, an analysis of the social impact of capitalist indus- Their importance lies not in their effectiveness, but in the
trialization and urbanization which is still in many respects lessons of solidarity and class consciousness which they
unsurpassed. It must be read and studied in detail. The argu- teach. The political movement of Chartism marks a yet
metlt can be briefly summarized as follows. Capitalism higher level of development Side by side with these move-
pitchforks the new proletariat, often composed of immigrants ments Socialist theories were evolved by middle class thinkers
fr om pre-i ndus trial backgr ounds , int o a soci al hell in which who had, Engels argues, remained largely outside the labour
t hey are gr ound down , underpaid or starved. let t to rot in movement until 1844, though capturing a small minority of
sl u ms neglected, despised. a nd coerced, not only by the im- the best workers. But the movement must move towards
pe rsonal f orce of competition but by the bourgeoisie as a Socialism, as the crisis of capitalism advances.
class, which regards them as objects and not as men, as As Engels saw it in 1844 this crisis would inevitably
(cid:24)\about or `hands and not as human beings (chapter XII). develop in one of two ways. Either American (or possibly
The capitalist, supported by bourgeois law, imposes his German) competition would put an end to the British indus-
factory discipline, fines them, causes them to be jailed, im- trial monopoly and precipitate a revolutionary situation, or
poses his wishes on them at will. The bourgeoisie as a class the polarization of society would proceed until the workers,
discriminates against them, evolves the Malthusian popula- by then the great majority of the nation, would realize their
tion theor y against t hem , and imposes on them the cruelties strength and seize power. (It is interesting to observe that
of the Malthusian (cid:24)New Poor Law of 1834. However, this Engels argument lays no stress on the absolute longterm
systematic dehumanization also keeps the workers out of pauperization of the proletariat) However, given the intoler-
the reach of bourgeois ideology and illusion - for instance of able conditions of the workers and the crisis of the econ-
bourgeois egoism, religion, and morality. Progressive indus- omy, a revolution was likely before these tendencies had
trialization and urbanization forces them to learn the lessons worked themselves out. Engels expected it to occur between
of their socia\ situation and in concentrating them, makes the next two economic depressions, i.e. between I846-7 and
them aware of their power. `The closer the workers are the middle I85os.
associated with industry the more advanced they are. (HOw- Immature though the work is, Engels scientific achieve-
ever, EllgeJs also observes the radicalizing effect of mass ments arc nevertheless remarkable. His faults were chiefly
immigration, as among the Irish.) those of youth and to some extent of historical foreshorten-
The workers face their situation in different ways. Some ing. For some of the mistakes there is a sound historical ex-
succumb to it, allowing themselves to be dew oralized : but planation. At the time Engels wrote Brftish capitalism was at
I2 I3;
tlle increase in drunkenness, vice, crime, and irrational Spcrid-
ing, is a social phenomenon, the crcation of capitalfsm, and
not to be explained by the weakness and shiftJessness of
individuals. Others submit passinely to their fate and exist
as best they can as respectable law-abiding citizens, take no
interest in public affairs and thus actually help the middle
class to tighten the chains which bind the workers. But real
humanity and dignity are to be found only in the fight against
the bourgeoisie, in the labour movement which the workers
conditions inevitably produce.
This movement passes through various stages. Individual
revolt - crime - may be one, machine-wrecking another,
though neither are universally found. Trade unionism and
strikes are the first general forms taken by the movement.
Their importance lies not in their effectiveness, but in the
lessons of solidarity and class consciousness which they
teach. The political movement of Chartism marks a yet
higher level of development Side by side with these move-
ments Socialist theories were evolved by middle class thinkers
who had, Engels argues, remained largely outside the labour
movement until 1844, though capturing a small minority of
the best workers. But the movement must move towards
Socialism, as the crisis of capitalism advances.
As Engels saw it in 1844 this crisis would inevitably
develop in one of two ways. Either American (or possibly
German) competition would put an end to the British indus-
trial monopoly and precipitate a revolutionary situation, or
the polarization of society would proceed until the workers,
by then the great majority of the nation, would realize their
strength and seize power. (It is interesting to observe that
Engels argument lays no stress on the absolute longterm
pauperization of the proletariat) However, given the intoler-
able conditions of the workers and the crisis of the econ-
omy, a revolution was likely before these tendencies had
worked themselves out. Engels expected it to occur between
the next two economic depressions, i.e. between I846-7 and
the middle I85os.
Immature though the work is, Engels scientific achieve-
ments arc nevertheless remarkable. His faults were chiefly
those of youth and to some extent of historical foreshorten-
ing. For some of the mistakes there is a sound historical ex-
planation. At the time Engels wrote Brftish capitalism was at
I2 I3;
the most acute stage of the first of its great periods of historical perspicacity so signally superior to that of the con-
secular crisis, and he came to England at almosl. the worst temporary champions of capitalism~ The good social scien-
period of what was certainly the most catastrophi c economic tist, as Engels showed, could only be a person free from the
sl u f up of the x9 tff cen tury that of I 841 -2 . It was by no
means entirely unrealistic to think of the crisis priod of the
184Os as the final agony of capitalism and the prelude to
revolution. Engels was not the only observer who thought How far is Engels' description of the British working class in
of it ill this way. 1844 reliable and comprehensive ? How f ar has s ubse que nt
We now know that this was not the final crisi of capital- research confirmed his statements ? Our judgment of the his-
ism, but the prelude to a major period of expansion, based torical value of the book must depend largely on the answer
partly on the masive development of the capitfl goods in- to these questions. He has often been criticized, from the
d us tries - r ailways, iron , and s tee}, as against the textiles of I84os, when V. A. Huber and B. Hildebrand agreed with his
the earlier phase-, partly on the conquest of yet wider facts, but thought his interpretation too gloomy, to I958
spheres of capitalist activity in hitherto undeveloped coun- when his most recent editors argued that `historians may
tries, partly on the defeat of the agrarian vested interests, no longer regard Engels book as an authoritative work
partly on the discovery of new and effective medrods of ex- which gives a valuable picture of social England in the
ploiting fire working-classes by means of which, incidentally, I84os'1. The first view is tenable, the second is nonsense.
made it possible eventually for their real incomes to rise Engels account is based on first-hand observation and on
substatltiaJly. We also know that the revolutionary crisis of other available sources. He evidently knew industrial Lan-
1848 which Engels foresaw with considerable accuracy, did cashire intimately, particularly the Manchester area, and
not affect Britain. This was largely due to a phenomenon of paid visits to the main industrial towns of Yorkshire - Leeds,
uneven development, which he could hardly have foreseen. Bradford, Sheffield - as well as spending some weeks in Lon-
For while on the continent the corresponding stage of eco- don. Nobody bas seriously suggested that he misrepresented
nomic development reached its most acute crisi: in 1846-8, what he saw. Of the descriptive chapters it is clear that a
in Britain the equivalent point had been reached in 1841 -2. By large part of III, V, VII, IX and XII are based on first-hand
the new period of expansion, whose first symptom observation, and such knowledge plainly illuminates the
1848
was the vast (cid:24)railway boom of 1844-7, was already under other chapters also. It must not be forgotten that Engels was
way. The British equivalent of the 1848 revolution was the (unlike most other foreign visitors) no mere tourist, but a
Chartist general strike of 1842. The crisis which precipitated Manchester businessman who knew the businessmen among
continental revolutions, in Britain merely interrupted a whom he Jived, a communist who knew and worked with
period of rapid recovery. Engels happened to be particularly the Chartists and early Socialists, and - not least through his
unfortunate in writing at a time when this could not be relations with the Irish factory girl Mary Burns and her
cle ar . Even today statisticians still argue about exactly where, relatives and friends - a man with considerable Hrst-hand
between 1842 and 1848 to place the boundary Iark which knowledge of working-class life. His book is thus an impor-
separates the `bleak years' from the golden Victorian boom tant primary source for our knowledge of industrial England
of British capitalism. We can hardly blame Engels for not at this time.
seeiflg it more clearly. For the rest of the book, and for confirmation of his own
Nevertlle\ess, the uflbiased reader can only regard the I V. A. Hubler (]anus 1845 II, 387); Bruno Hildebrand (National-
shortcomings of Engels book as incidental, and must be far oekonomie d. Geg enwart u. Zukun f t Frank{ urt I848); Chaloner
more impressed with its achievements. These wre due not and Henderson Engels' Condition o f the Working Class, Oxford
only to Engels obvious personal talent, but also to his com- t 958 xxx t) . For con t e mporary Germ an r ea ctions to Engels book,
cf . J. Kucz ynski Die Geschicht e der Luge der Arbeit ex unter dem
munism. it was this which gave him an economic, sociai, and Kapz't alismus vol . 8 (Ber lin I96o), which reprints several reviews.
14
historical perspicacity so signally superior to that of the con-
temporary champions of capitalism~ The good social scien-
tist, as Engels showed, could only be a person free from the
illusions of bourgeois society.
Engels' description oI England in 1844.
How far is Engels' description of the British working class in
1844 reliable and comprehensive ? How f ar has s ubse que nt
research confirmed his statements ? Our judgment of the his-
torical value of the book must depend largely on the answer
to these questions. He has often been criticized, from the
I84os, when V. A. Huber and B. Hildebrand agreed with his
facts, but thought his interpretation too gloomy, to I958
when his most recent editors argued that `historians may
no longer regard Engels book as an authoritative work
which gives a valuable picture of social England in the
I84os'1. The first view is tenable, the second is nonsense.
Engels account is based on first-hand observation and on
other available sources. He evidently knew industrial Lan-
cashire intimately, particularly the Manchester area, and
paid visits to the main industrial towns of Yorkshire - Leeds,
Bradford, Sheffield - as well as spending some weeks in Lon-
don. Nobody bas seriously suggested that he misrepresented
what he saw. Of the descriptive chapters it is clear that a
large part of III, V, VII, IX and XII are based on first-hand
observation, and such knowledge plainly illuminates the
other chapters also. It must not be forgotten that Engels was
(unlike most other foreign visitors) no mere tourist, but a
Manchester businessman who knew the businessmen among
whom he Jived, a communist who knew and worked with
the Chartists and early Socialists, and - not least through his
relations with the Irish factory girl Mary Burns and her
relatives and friends - a man with considerable Hrst-hand
knowledge of working-class life. His book is thus an impor-
tant primary source for our knowledge of industrial England
at this time.
For the rest of the book, and for confirmation of his own
I V. A. Hubler (]anus 1845 II, 387); Bruno Hildebrand (National-
oekonomie d. Geg enwart u. Zukun f t Frank{ urt I848); Chaloner
and Henderson Engels' Condition o f the Working Class, Oxford
t 958 xxx t) . For con t e mporary Germ an r ea ctions to Engels book,
cf . J. Kucz ynski Die Geschicht e der Luge der Arbeit ex unter dem
Kapz't alismus vol . 8 (Ber lin I96o), which reprints several reviews.
I5
ol>set vatiollS, Engels relied on other informants as well as on without a sense of shocked horror, which plenty of respec-
pt i Itie d e vi deuce , t aking care to allow f or t he political bias table bourgeois liberals expressed in words as inffammatory
of itch evidence by quoting where possible from sources as Engels' own - but without his anaIysis.
sy mp athetic to capitalism. (See the last paragrapl't of his Pre- `Civilization works its miracles' wrote de Tocquevll.Je of
f ace ) though not exhaustive, his documentation is good and Manchester (cid:24)and civilized man is turned back almost into a
f ult fltough t here are a number of slips in transcribing it savage.'
(some later corrected by Engels) and a tendency to summar- `Every day that J live wrote the American Henry Colman,
ize the authorities rather than to quote verbatim, the accusa- `J thank Heaven that I am not a poor man with a f am il y in
Lion that he selects and misquotes his evidence i untenable. England.'
His hostile editors have been unable to find more than a We can find plenty of statements about the harsh utili-
handful of examples of what they consider (cid:24)misrepresenta- tarian indifference of the industrialists to set beside Engels.
tion' in a large volume, and most of these accusations are The truth is that Engels' book remains today, as it was in
either trivial or wrongl. There are indeed available sources 1845, by far the best single book on the working class of the
which he did not utilize, but some of these pre cut if any- period. Subsequent historians have regarded and continue to
thing an even more scarifying picture. By all sensible stand- regard it as such, except for a recent group of critics, moti-
ards the Condition is an excellently documented work, vated by ideological dislike. It is not the last word on the
handled with a sound grasp of evidence. subject, for x 25 years of research have added to our know-
Accusations such as that he painted proletarian conditions ledge of working class conditions, especially in the areas
in unnecessanl~ y dark colours or failed to appreciate the with which Engels had no close personal acquaintance. It is
benevolence of the British bourgeoisie, can be shown to be a book of its time. But nothing can take its place in the
wrong. The careful reader will find no basis for the conten- library of every nineteenth century historian and every-
tion that Engels described all workers as destitute or starving, one interested in the working class movement. It remains
their standard of living as one of bare subsistence, the pro- an indispensable work and a landmark in the fight for the
letariat as an undifferentiated mass of paupers, or for many emancipation of humanity.
of the other extreme statements which have been ascribed
to him by critics who have not always read his text. He did E. J. Hobsbawm
not deny that there had been no improvements in working
class conditions. (Cf. the summary at the end of chapter JII.)
He did not present the bourgeoisie as a single black-hearted
mass (cf. the long footnote at the end of Chapter XII). His
hatred of what the bourgeoisie represented and what made it
behave as it did, was not a naTve hatred for men of ill will
as distillct from men of good will. It was part of the critique
of the inhumanity of capitalism which automatically
t ur ned t he exploiters collectively into a `deeply demoralized
class, incurably corrupted by selfishness, corroded in their
very being.
-f he critics objection to Engels is often only their reluct-
ance to admit his facts. No man, communist or otherwise,
could have visited England from abroad in those years
z For some discussion of these accusations see E. j~ Hobsbawm,
Laboctring Melt (London x962) chapter 6.
I6