How Nonviolence Protects the State - The Anarchist Library

96 Pages·2012·0.52 MB·English

How Nonviolence Protects the
Nonviolence is Statist
State
Put quite plainly, nonviolence ensures a state monopoly on vi-
olence. States — the centralized bureaucracies that protect capi-
talism; preserve a white supremacist, patriarchal order; and im- Peter Gelderloos
plement imperialist expansion — survive by assuming the role of
thesolelegitimatepurveyorofviolentforcewithintheirterritory.
Any struggle against oppression necessitates a conflict with the
state. Pacifists do the state’s work by pacifying the opposition in
advance.1States,fortheirpart,discouragemilitancywithintheop-
position,andencouragepassivity.
Somepacifistsobscurethismutualrelationshipbyclaimingthat
thegovernmentwouldjustlovetoseethemabandontheirnonvi-
olentdisciplineandgiveintoviolence,thatthegovernmenteven
encourages violence from dissidents, and that many activists urg-
ingmilitancyare,infact,governmentprovocateurs.2Thus,theyar-
gue,itisthemilitantactivistswhoareplayingintothehandsofthe
state.AlthoughinsomeinstancestheUSgovernmenthasusedin-
1On February 9, 2006, a member of the nonviolent group SOA Watch
(whichattractssupportfromarangeofgroups,fromprogressivestoanarchists)
suggested on an e-mail list that because police had been dealing with the an-
nualdemonstrationoutsideFortBenninginGeorgiamoreaggressivelyinrecent
years, the group should move the demonstration into some public place away
fromthemilitarybasetoavoidconfrontation.Hewrote,“Whereverpolarization
takes place, it’s time, in my opinion, for the peace campaign to re-evaluate its
tactics.Relationshipsareatthecoreofpeacemaking.‘We’and‘Them’canlead
ultimatelytowar.‘Us’hasabetterchanceforachievingnegotiable(nonviolent)
solutionsandcanleadultimatelytoacultureofpeace.”
2In one recent example, flyers being passed out by the thousands at the
2007
protestsagainstthe2004RepublicanNationalConventionclaimedthatanyone
advocatingviolencewaslikelyapoliceagent.
60
tofreeourselves,struggleinsolidaritywithallwhohaverejected
theirplaceasthelackeysorslavesoftheelite,andendtheseglobal
systemsofoppressionandexploitation.
59
to manipulate the movement for their comfort, and usually aban-
donedbylargeportionsofthegrassrootsinfavorofmoremilitant
tactics.Theuseofnonviolencetopreservewhiteprivilege,within
themovementorsocietyatlarge,isstillcommontoday.
Contents
Oninspection,nonviolenceprovestobetangledupwithdynam-
icsofraceandpower.Raceisessentialtoourexperienceofoppres-
sion and of resistance. A long standing component of racism has
beentheassumptionthatEuropeans,orEuropeansettlersonother Introduction 7
continents, have known what is best for people they considered
NonviolenceisIneffective 12
“less civilized.” People fighting against racism must unmistakably
endthistraditionandrecognizethattheimperativeforeachcom-
NonviolenceisRacist 33
munity to be able to determine its own form of resistance based
onitsownexperiencesleavesanyprioritygiventopacifisminthe
NonviolenceisStatist 60
dust.Furthermore,thefactthatmuchoftheviolencefacedbypeo-
pleofcoloraroundtheworldoriginatesinthepowerstructurethat NonviolenceisPatriarchal 83
privilegeswhitepeopleshouldlendwhitepeoplegreaterurgency
inpushingtheboundariesforthelevelofmilitancythatisconsid- NonviolenceisTacticallyandStrategicallyInferior 102
eredacceptableinwhitecommunities.Inotherwords,forthoseof
NonviolenceisDeluded 143
us who are white, it becomes our duty to build our own militant
culture of resistance, and, contrary to the role of teacher histori-
TheAlternative:PossibilitiesforRevolutionaryActivism166
callyself-appointedtowhitepeople,wehaveagreatdealtolearn
fromthestrugglesofpeopleofcolor.Whiteradicalsmusteducate
other white people about why people of color are justified in re-
belling violently and why we too should use a diversity of tactics
machismo.Reflecting her academic status(asa sociology professorinthe Uni-
versityofCaliforniasystem),sheblursthelinebetweenFBI-paidprovocateurs
advocatingsexismwithinthemovement(forexample,RonKarenga)andlegiti-
mateactivistsadvocatingincreasedmilitancy,orlegitimateactivistswhodid,in
fact,confusemilitancywithmachismo.ShealsomentionsthatAngelaDaviscom-
plainedaboutbeingcriticizedbymilitantblacknationalists“fordoinga‘man’s
job’”(Robnett,HowLong?183),butsheneglectstomentionthatDaviswashighly
influentialinadvocatingmilitantstruggle.Robnettalsoseemstoneglectmention-
inghowproblematicitiswhengroupswithsuchradicalagendasasracialequality
arenotself-sustainingandinsteadrelyonthesupportofthefederalgovernment
andwhitedonors.
58 3
factors that caused our movement to fall apart in the mid-70s.”39
Mumia Abu-Jamal questions, were white radicals “really ready to
embarkonarevolution,onethatdidnotprizewhiteness?”40
Atfirst,nonviolenceseemslikeaclearmoralpositionthathaslit-
tletodowithrace.Thisviewisbasedonthesimplisticassumption
that violence is first and foremost something that we choose. But
which people in this world have the privilege to choose violence,
andwhichpeopleliveinviolentcircumstanceswhethertheywant
toornot?Generally,nonviolenceisaprivilegedpractice,onethat
comes out of the experiences of white people, and it does not al-
ways make sense for people without white privilege or for white
people attempting to destroy the system of privilege and oppres-
sion.
Manypeopleofcolorhavealsousednonviolence,whichincer-
taincircumstanceshasbeenaneffectivewaytostaysafeintheface
ofviolentdiscrimination,whileseekinglimitedreformsthatdonot
ultimately change the distribution of power in society. The use of
nonviolencebypeopleofcolorhasgenerallybeenacompromiseto
a white power structure. Recognizing that the white power struc-
turepreferstheoppressedtobenonviolent,somepeoplehavecho-
sen to use nonviolent tactics to forestall extreme repression, mas-
sacres,orevengenocide.Movementsofpeopleofcolorpeacefully
pursuingrevolutionarygoalshavetendedtouseaformofnonvio-
lencethatislessabsolute,andmoreconfrontationalanddangerous,
than the kind of nonviolence preserved in North America today.
And even then, the practice of nonviolence is often subsidized by
whitesinpower,41usedbywhitedissidentsorgovernmentofficials
39Gilbert,NoSurrender,23.
40Abu-Jamal,WeWantFreedom,76.
41BelindaRobnettpointsoutthatbybecomingmoremilitantandadopting
aBlackPowerideology,previouslynonviolentgroupssuchasSNCC“ledliberal
financialsupporters[presumablymostlywhite]tostopcontributing.”Thislossof
mainstreamfundingledinparttothecollapseoftheorganization(Robnett,How
Long?184–186).Robnett,however,equatestheabandonmentofnonviolencewith
57
discussonlynonviolenttactics.Sinceithadbeenbilledasadiscus- And they say that the beauty’s in the streets but when I look
siontohelpthegroupcreateideologicalcommonground,thiswas arounditseemsmorelikedefeat—DefianceOhio
a manipulative way of using threats of government repression to
prevent the group from even considering anything other than an
explicitlynonviolentphilosophy.
Becauseoftheweightyself-interestofwhitepeopleinprevent-
ingrevolutionaryuprisingsintheirownbackyard,therehasbeen
alonghistoryofbetrayalbywhitepacifistswhohavecondemned
and abandoned revolutionary groups to state violence. Rather
than “putting themselves in harm’s way” to protect members of
theblack,brown,andredliberationmovements(aprotectiontheir
privilege might have adequately conferred because of how costly
it would have been for the government to murder affluent white
people in the midst of all the dissension spurred by heavy losses
in Vietnam), conscientious pacifists ignored the brutalization, im-
prisonment,andassassinationofBlackPanthers,AmericanIndian
Movement activists, and others. Worse still, they encouraged the
state repression and claimed that the revolutionaries deserved it
by engaging in militant resistance. (Nowadays, they are claiming
that the liberationists’ ultimate defeat, which pacifists facilitated,
is proof of the ineffectiveness of liberationists’ tactics.) Revered
pacifist David Dellinger admits that “one of the factors that
induces serious revolutionaries and discouraged ghetto-dwellers
to conclude that nonviolence is incapable of being developed
into a method adequate to their needs is this very tendency of
pacifiststolineup,inmomentsofconflict,withthestatusquo.”38
David Gilbert concludes that “failure to develop solidarity with
the Black and other liberation struggles within the US (Native
American, Chicano/Mexican, Puerto Rican) is one of the several
38David Dellinger, “The Black Rebellions,” in Revolutionary Nonviolence:
Essays by David Dellinger (New York: Anchor, 1971), 207. In the same essay,
Dellingeradmitsthat“thereareoccasionswhenthosewhoactnonviolentlythem-
selvesmustbecomereluctantalliesorcriticalsupportersofthosewhoresortto
violence.”
56 5
This book is dedicated to Sue Daniels (1960–2004), a brilliant Thepacifistdesireforsafetycontinuestoday.In2003,anonvio-
ecologist,boldfeminist,passionateanarchist,andbeautifulandcar- lent activist reassured a Seattle newspaper about the character of
ing human being who nurtured and challenged everyone around planned protests. “I’m not saying that we would not support civil
her.Yourbraveryandwisdomcontinuetoinspireme,andinthat disobedience,” Woldt said. “That has been part of the peace move-
wayyourspiritremainsindomitable… mentthatchurchpeoplehaveengagedin,butwearenotintoprop-
…and to Greg Michael (1961–2006), who embodied health, as a erty damage or anything that creates negative consequences for
wholenessofbeingandanindefatigablequestagainstthepoisons us.”35
of our world, even in the unhealthiest of circumstances. From a Andonalistservforaradicalenvironmentalcampaignin2004,
bag of raisins stolen from the prison kitchen to the unfolding of alawstudentandactivist,afterinvitinganopendiscussionoftac-
memoryonamountaintop,thegiftsyouhavegivenmeareasalve tics, advocated an end to the mention of non-pacifist tactics and
andaweapon,andtheywillstaywithmeuntilthelastprisonisa demanded a strict adherence to nonviolence on the grounds that
pileofrubble. non-pacifistgroups“getannihilated.”36 Anotheractivist(and,inci-
Special thanks to Megan, Patrick, Carl, Gopal, and Sue D. for dentally,oneoftheotherlawstudentsonthelist)agreed,adding,
proofreading or giving me feedback, and to Sue F., James, Iris, “I think that having a discussion about violent tactics on this list
Marc, Edi, Alexander, Jessica, Esther, and everyone who came to is playing with fire, and it is putting everyone at risk.” She was
theworkshopsforcriticismvaluabletothissecondedition. also concerned that “two of us will be facing the star chamber of
theethicscommitteeoftheBar Associationsometimeinthenear
future.”37
Of course, proponents of militancy must understand that there
is a great need for caution when we discuss tactics, especially via
e-mail,andthatwefacethehurdleofbuildingsupportforactions
that are more likely to get us harassed or imprisoned, even if all
wedo is discuss them. However,in this example, the twolaw stu-
dentswerenotsayingthatthegroupshoulddiscussonlylegaltac-
ticsorhypotheticaltactics,theyweresayingthatthegroupshould
35AliceWoldt,quotedinChrisMcGann,“PeaceMovementCouldFindItself
Fighting Over Tactics,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, February 21, 2003, http://seatr-
lepi.nwsource.com/local/109590_peacemovement21.shtml.
36E-mailtoauthor,October2004.Thissameactivistpaternalisticallyrewrote
thehistoryofblackliberationtodeclarethattheBlackPanthersdidnotadvocate
violence. In the same e-mail, he quoted from Sun Tzu’s Art of War to bolster
hiscaseandimprovehistacticalsophistication.WhetherSunTzuwouldhave
agreedwithhistheories’beingusedinanargumentfortheefficacyofpacifism
isquestionable.
37E-mailtoauthor,October2004.
6 55
brutalized residents of the nearest urban ghetto to form guerrilla
unitswouldbe“inappropriate”or“irresponsible.”Thisisthe“notin
my backyard” tendency, which is fueled by the recognition that a
revolutiontherewouldbeexciting,butarevolutionherewouldde-
Introduction
priveprivilegedactivistsofourcomfort.Alsopresentisthelatent
fear of racial uprising, which is assuaged only when it is subordi-
nated to a nonviolent ethic. Black people marching is photogenic.
Black people with guns evokes the violent crime reports on the InAugust2004,attheNorthAmericanAnarchistConvergence
nightlynews.AmericanIndiansholdingapressconferenceislaud- in Athens, Ohio, I participated in a panel discussing the topic of
able. American Indians ready, willing, and able to take their land nonviolence versus violence. Predictably, the discussion turned
backisatrifledisturbing.Thus,whitepeoples’supportfor,andfa- into an unproductive and competitive debate. I had hoped that
miliaritywith,revolutionariesofcoloronthehomefrontislimited each panelist would be given a substantial amount of time to
toinertmartyrs—thedeadandtheimprisoned. speakinordertopresentourideasindepthandtolimitthelikely
The contradiction in ostensibly revolutionary pacifism is that alternative of a back-and-forth volley of clichéd arguments. But
revolution is never safe, but to the vast majority of its practition- thefacilitator,whowasalsoaconferenceorganizer,andontopof
ersandadvocates,pacifismisaboutstayingsafe,notgettinghurt, thatapanelist,decidedagainstthisapproach.
notalienatinganyone,notgivinganyoneabitterpilltoswallow.In Because of the hegemony advocates of nonviolence exert, criti-
makingtheconnectionbetweenpacifismandtheself-preservation cismsofnonviolenceareexcludedfromthemajorperiodicals,alter-
of privileged activists, Ward Churchill quotes a pacifist organizer native media, and other forums accessed by anti-authoritarians.1
duringtheVietnamerawhodenouncedtherevolutionarytacticsof Nonviolence is maintained as an article of faith, and as a key
theBlackPantherPartyandWeatherUndergroundbecausethose to full inclusion within the movement. Anti-authoritarians and
tactics were “a really dangerous thing for all of us…they run the anti-capitalists who suggest or practice militancy suddenly find
very real risk of bringing the same sort of violent repression [as themselvesabandonedbythesamepacifiststhey’vejustmarched
seen in the police assassination of Fred Hampton] down on all of with at the latest protest. Once isolated, militants lose access to
us.”33Or,toquoteDavidGilbert,whoisservinganeffectivelifesen-
tenceforhisactionsasamemberoftheWeatherUndergroundwho 1Someperiodicalslimitedtothestrictlyanarchistmilieu,suchasAnarchy:
wentontosupporttheBlackLiberationArmy,“Whiteshadsome- AJournalofDesireArmed,arenotatallpacifist.However,theirinfluence,andthe
influenceoftheirreadership,canbeclearlyseenasmarginalinareaswhere,oth-
thingtoprotect.Itwascomfortabletobeatthepeakofamorally
erwise,anarchistshaveamajorimpact.Atmassmobilizationsoftheanti-warand
prestigiousmovementforchangewhileBlackpeopleweretaking
anti-globalizationmovements,inwhichanarchistsarekeyorganizers,criticisms
themaincasualtiesforthestruggle.”34 ofpacifismarenotevenentertained;atbest,someparticipantscansuccessfully
arguethatwatered-downformsofdirectactionreallydoqualifyasnonviolent.
Mediawidelyavailablebeyondanarchistcircles,inthewayprogressivemedia
33Churchill,PacifismasPathology,60–61. aresomewhatavailabletothemainstream,arealmostexclusivelypacifist,even
34DavidGilbert,NoSurrender:WritingsfromanAnti-ImperialistPoliticalPris- whenmanyofthevolunteersthatkeepthosemediaaliveareanti-authoritarians
oner(Montreal:AbrahamGuillenPress,2004),22–23. whosupportadiversityoftactics.
54 7
resources,andtheyloseprotectionfrombeingscapegoatedbythe hasasmuchtodowithprinciplesaswithprivilegeandignorance.
mediaorcriminalizedbythegovernment.Withinthesedynamics Andbeyondmereself-defense,whetherindividualshavefacedthe
caused by the knee-jerk isolation of those who do not conform possibility of having to fight back to survive or to improve their
to nonviolence, there is no possibility for a healthy or critical lives depends largely on the color of their skin and their place in
discoursetoevaluateourchosenstrategies. variousnationalandglobalhierarchiesofoppression.Itistheseex-
Inmyexperience,mostpeoplewhoarebecominginvolvedwith periencesthatnonviolenceignoresbytreatingviolenceasamoral
radicalmovementshaveneverheardgoodarguments,orevenbad issueorachosenthing.
ones, against nonviolence. This is true even when they already The culturally sensitive alternative within pacifism is that priv-
knowagreatdealaboutothermovementissues.Instead,theytend ileged activists allow, or even support, militant resistance in the
to be acquainted with the aura of taboo that shrouds militants; to Global South, and possibly in the internal colonies of the Euro/
haveinternalizedthefearanddisdainthecorporatemediareserve American states, and only advocate nonviolence to people with a
forpeoplewillingtoactuallyfightagainstcapitalismandthestate; similarly privileged background. This formulation presents a new
andtohaveconfusedtheisolationimposedonmilitantswithsome racism, suggesting that the fighting and dying be carried out by
self-imposedisolationthatmustbeinherentinmilitancy.Mostpro- peopleofcolorinthemoreovertlyoppressivestatesoftheGlobal
ponents of nonviolence with whom I have discussed these issues, South,whileprivilegedcitizensoftheimperialcentersmaybecon-
and these have been many, approached the conversation like it tentedwithmorecontextuallyappropriateformsofresistancesuch
wasaforegoneconclusionthattheuseofviolenceinsocialmove- asprotestralliesandsit-ins.
ments was both wrong and self-defeating (at least if it occurred An anti-racist analysis, on the other hand, requires white peo-
anywherewithin1,000milesofthem).Onthecontrary,therearea ple to recognize that the violence against which people of color
greatmanysolidargumentsagainstnonviolencethatpacifistshave mustdefendthemselvesoriginatesinthewhite“FirstWorld.”Thus,
simplyfailedtoanswerintheirliterature. appropriate resistance to a regime that wages war against colo-
This book will show that nonviolence, in its current manifesta- nized people across the globe is to bring the war home; to build
tions,isbasedonfalsifiedhistoriesofstruggle.Ithasimplicitand an anti-authoritarian, cooperative, and anti-racist culture among
explicit connections to white people’s manipulations of the strug- white people; to attack institutions of imperialism; and to extend
gles of people of color. Its methods are wrapped in authoritarian support to oppressed people in resistance without undermining
dynamics,anditsresultsareharnessedtomeetgovernmentobjec- thesovereigntyoftheirstruggle.However,non-absolutistpacifists
tivesoverpopularobjectives.Itmasksandevenencouragespatri- whoallowforalittleculturalrelativismaretypicallylesslikelyto
archal assumptions and power dynamics. Its strategic options in- support armed revolution when the fighting gets close to home.
variablyleadtodeadends.Anditspractitionersdeludethemselves ThethinkingisthatPalestinians,forexample,mayengageinmili-
onanumberofkeypoints. tantstrugglebecausetheyliveunderaviolentregime,butforthe
Giventheseconclusions,ifourmovementsaretohaveanypos-
iertohaveamartyrcomplexforoneselfthanforone’sfamily(whichisnotto
sibility of destroying oppressive systems such as capitalism and
saythatalloftheseactivistsweremotivatedbysuchacomplex,thoughIhave
white supremacy and building a free and healthy world, we must
certainly met a few who cash in that risk to claim that theyhaveexperienced
oppressionrivalingthatfeltbypeopleofcolor).
8 53
True, regardless of privilege, we should be able to trust our own spread these criticisms and end the stranglehold of nonviolence
analysis, but when that analysis rests on a dubious moral high overdiscoursewhiledevelopingmoreeffectiveformsofstruggle.
groundandaconvenientlyselectiveinterpretationofwhatconsti- Wemightsaythatthepurposeofaconversationistopersuade
tutes violence, chances are our self-criticism has fallen asleep on andbepersuaded,whilethepurposeofadebateistowin,andthus
the job. When we understand that privileged people derive mate- silenceyouropponent.One ofthefirst stepstosuccess inanyde-
rial benefits from the exploitation of oppressed people, and that bateistocontroltheterminologytogiveoneselftheadvantageand
thismeanswebenefitfromtheviolenceusedtokeepthemdown, put one’s opponents at a disadvantage. This is exactly what paci-
wecannotsincerelycondemnthemforviolentlyrebellingagainst fistshavedoneinphrasingthedisagreementasnonviolenceversus
the structural violence that privileges us. (Those who have ever violence.Criticsof nonviolencetypicallyuse thisdichotomy,with
condemned the violent resistance of people who have grown up whichmostofusfundamentallydisagree,andpushtoexpandthe
in more oppressive circumstances than themselves should think boundariesofnonviolencesothattacticswesupport,suchasprop-
aboutthisthenexttimetheyeatabananaordrinkacupofcoffee.) ertydestruction,maybeacceptedwithinanonviolentframework,
Ihopeitiswellunderstoodthatthegovernmentusesmorevio- indicatinghowdisempoweredanddelegitimizedweare.
lentformsofrepressionagainstpeopleofcolorinresistancethan I know of no activist, revolutionary, or theorist relevant to the
againstwhitepeople.WhenOglalatraditionalsandtheAmerican movementtodaywhoadvocatesonlytheuseofviolenttacticsand
IndianMovementstooduponPineRidgeReservationinthe1970s opposesanyusageoftacticsthatcouldnotbecalledviolent.Weare
toassertalittleindependenceandtoorganizeagainsttheendemic advocates of a diversity of tactics, meaning effective combinations
bullying of the imposed “tribal government,” the Pentagon, FBI, drawnfromafullrangeoftacticsthatmightleadtoliberationfrom
USMarshals,andBureauofIndianAffairsinstitutedafull-fledged allthecomponentsofthisoppressivesystem:whitesupremacy,pa-
counterinsurgency program that resulted in daily violence and triarchy, capitalism, and the state. We believe that tactics should
dozens of deaths. According to Ward Churchill and Jim Vander bechosentofittheparticularsituation,notdrawnfromaprecon-
Wall, “The principle of armed self-defense had, for the dissidents, ceivedmoralcode.Wealsotendtobelievethatmeansarereflected
becomeanecessityofsurvival.”31 in the ends, and would not want to act in a way that invariably
The only proponents of nonviolence I have ever heard reject wouldleadtodictatorshiporsomeotherformofsocietythatdoes
even the legitimacy of self-defense have been white, and though not respect life and freedom. As such, we can more accurately be
theymayholduptheirOscarRomeros,theyandtheirfamilieshave describedasproponentsofrevolutionaryormilitantactivismthan
notpersonallyhadtheirsurvivalthreatenedasaresultoftheirac- asproponentsofviolence.2
tivism.32Ihaveahardtimebelievingthattheiraversiontoviolence
31ChurchillandVanderWall,AgentsofRepression,188. 2Becauseitmaybepresumptuoustorefertosomeonewhoisnotengaged
32SomeofthemostdedicatednonviolentactivistsintheUShavefacedtor- inopenconflictwiththestateasarevolutionary,Idefinearevolutionaryactivist
tureandmurderinthecourseofLatinAmericansolidaritywork.Butthisisnot assomeonewho,attheleast,isbuildingtowardthepointwhensuchaconflict
quitethesamethingaswhatactivistsofcolorfacewithintheUS,giventhatthese ispractical.Somepeoplehavequalmswiththetermactivist,orassociateitwith
whiteactivistshavefacedviolenceinasituationtheysoughtoutratherthanone reformisttypesofactivism.Toavoidbeingtooparticularaboutwordsandtermi-
imposedonthem,theirfamilies,andtheircommunities.Itis,afterall,mucheas- nology,Iwillaskreaderssimplytoreceivethisterminthebestpossibleway.
52 9
Iwillrefertoproponentsofnonviolencebytheirchosennomen- tion,andsubordinationconsideredtheupliftingeffectofforcefully
clature,asnonviolentactivistsor,interchangeably,pacifists.Many fighting back? Frantz Fanon writes, about the psychology of colo-
practitioners of such prefer one term or the other, and some even nialismandofviolenceinpursuitofliberation,“Atthelevelofin-
makeadistinctionbetweenthetwo,butinmyexperiencethedis- dividuals, violence [as a part of liberation struggle] is a cleansing
tinctionsarenotconsistentfromonepersontothenext.Mostim- force. It frees the native from his inferiority complex…and from
portantly, pacifists/nonviolent activists themselves tend to collab- hisdespairandinaction;itmakeshimfearlessandrestoreshisself
orateregardlessoftheirchosenterm,sothedifferenceinlabelsis respect.”29
notimportanttotheconsiderationsofthisbook.Broadly,byusing Butproponentsofnonviolencewhocomefromprivilegedback-
thetermpacifism ornonviolence,theydesignateawayoflifeora grounds,withmaterialandpsychologicalcomfortsguaranteedand
methodofsocialactivismthatavoids,transforms,orexcludesvio- protected by a violent order, do not grow up with an inferiority
lencewhileattemptingtochangesocietytocreateamorepeaceful complex violently pounded into them. The arrogance of pacifists’
andfreeworld. assumptionthattheycandictatewhichformsofstrugglearemoral
At this point it might help to clearly define violence, but one andeffectivetopeoplewholiveinfardifferent,farmoreviolentcir-
of the critical arguments of this book is that violence cannot be cumstancesisastounding.Suburbanwhitepeoplewholecturechil-
clearlydefined.Ishouldalsoclarifyafewothertermsthatpopup dren of the Jenin refugee camp or the Colombian killing fields on
frequently. The word radical I use literally, to mean a critique, ac- resistancebearastrikingsimilarityto,say,WorldBankeconomists
tion,orpersonthatgoestotherootsofaparticularproblemrather who dictate “good” agricultural practices to Indian farmers who
thanfocusingonthesuperficialsolutionsplacedonthetablebythe have inherited centuries-old agricultural traditions. And the be-
prejudices and powers of the day. The word is not a synonym for nignrelationshipofprivilegedpeopletoglobalsystemsofviolence
extremeorextremist,muchasthemediawouldhaveusbelieveitis, shouldraiseseriousquestionsastothesincerityofprivilegedpeo-
throughignoranceordesign.(Similarly,incaseanyoneisstillun- ple,in,thiscasewhitepeople,whoespousenonviolence.Toquote
clear:ananarchistisnotsomeonewhofavorschaosbutsomeone Darren Parker again, “The appearance, at least, of a nonviolent
whofavorsthetotalliberationoftheworldthroughtheabolitionof spirit is much easier to attain when one is not the direct recipi-
capitalism, government, and all other forms of oppressive author- entoftheinjusticeandmayinfactsimplyrepresentpsychological
ity, to be replaced by any number of other social arrangements, distance.Afterall,it’smucheasierto‘Lovethyenemy’whenthey
proven or utopian.) On the other hand, I do not use the word rev- arenotactuallyyourenemy.”30
olutionliterally,tomeantheoverthrowofcurrentrulersbyanew Yes, people of color, poor people and people from the Global
set of rulers (which would make anti-authoritarian revolution an Southhaveadvocatednonviolence(thoughtypicallysuchpacifists
oxymoron), but only to mean a social upheaval with widespread comefrommoreprivilegedstrataoftheircommunities);however,
transformative effects. I use this word only because it has such only through a highly active sense of superiority can white ac-
long-standingfavorableconnotations,andbecausethemoreaccu- tivists judge and condemn oppressed people who do not do so.
ratealternative,liberation,isclumsyinitsadjectivalforms.
Toreemphasizeacrucialdistinction:thecriticismsinthisbook 29Ibid.,94.
are not aimed at specific actions that do not exemplify violent be- 30DarrenParker,e-mail,July10,2004.
10 51