Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas: A Socio-Cultural Study

158 Pages·2019·4.33 MB·English

by  Caroline Chia

Caroline Chia
Hokkien
Theatre Across
The Seas
A Socio-Cultural Study
Hokkien Theatre Across The Seas
Caroline Chia
Hokkien Theatre Across
The Seas
A Socio-Cultural Study
Caroline Chia
School of Humanities
Nanyang Techological University
Singapore, Singapore
ISBN 978-981-13-1833-7 ISBN 978-981-13-1834-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1834-4
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018951409
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information
storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors
or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims
in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721,
Singapore
Preface
I grew up in a Singaporean Chinese family with a rather diverse language and cul-
tural background. The ancestral origins of my extended paternal and maternal fami-
lies can be traced back to southern Fujian (Minnan) and Chaozhou, respectively. At
a young age, I was exposed to Mandarin, Hokkien and Teochew languages. My
interest in regional theatre was partly influenced by my maternal grandmother who
was a fan of Chaozhou opera. She would listen to the Chaozhou opera songs (曲
kêg4 in Teochew) on Rediffusion and then sing back to me.1 Growing up in the
1980s and 1990s, I found Chinese opera, blaring out loudly on amplifiers standing
on stilts, more engrossing than cartoons on television. At night after dinner, my
mother would occasionally take me to watch Hokkien (Gezai 歌仔) opera or some-
times Getai (歌台 or literally ‘song shows’). Chairs were usually crowded with
enthusiastic spectators. As smoke from incense filled the air, I was entranced by the
loud singing and constant clashing of cymbals. Opera performances were staged in
temple grounds or beneath a temporary canopy with an altar displaying effigies of
the various deities.
In 2004, I conducted my first interview with the Sin Sai Hong (Xin Sai Feng 新
賽鳳) troupe. The performers related to me that they learnt from cassette tapes,
often featuring their favourite Taiwanese stars. Before 2013, I focused mainly on the
development of regional theatre in Singapore and developed a deeper understanding
of the opera and puppet theatre pertaining to the Hokkien group. Commencing my
doctoral fieldwork in 2013, I began to explore the origins of Hokkien theatre deriv-
ing from southern Fujian in China. I also visited other sites of transmission, includ-
ing Taiwan, as from the recollection of performers in Singapore, this island played
a significant role in Hokkien theatre. In 2016, as part of the Taiwan Fellowship, I
again travelled to Taiwan and stayed for half a year. During this period, I also visited
Kinmen and learnt about its close connection with the Hokkien group in Singapore.
The transnational connection, or more specifically the Hokkien network, became
more apparent in my study of Hokkien theatre.
1 Reference for spelling in Teochew retrieved from http://www.czyzd.com/
search?keyword=%E6%9B%B2, last accessed 29 May 2018.
v
vi Preface
This academic journey, spanning over a decade, would not be possible without
the generous help of many people, including Anne McLaren, my doctoral supervi-
sor at the University of Melbourne, who had dedicated much time to refine my
academic view and writing. Special thanks also go to my co-supervisor Zhou
Shaoming and Lewis Mayo. Margaret Chan of SMU, a close friend and mentor,
who has greatly motivated me in my academic path. Shih Kuang-sheng, my external
supervisor at NTUA, had been very kind in guiding me during my fieldwork in
Taiwan. Lai Yong-ting, my puppet-carving teacher, who patiently taught me how to
carve and introduced to me many friends and practitioners in puppet theatre. My
appreciation also goes to Robin Ruizendaal from Taiyuan Asian Puppet Theatre
Museum, who has kindly shared his expertise on puppet theatre. Kaori Fushiki of
Taisho University, whom I have met during my fieldwork in Singapore, has pro-
vided much help in sharing her fieldwork materials and guidance on Japanese
sources.
The rich ethnographic data presented in this monograph is only possible with the
kindness rendered by my interviewees and friends whom I have made in this jour-
ney. They include members from various troupes in Singapore, such as Sin Sai
Hong, Shuang Ming Feng, Xiao Dong Tian, Chew Yee (Qiu Yi), Ge Yi, Jit Guat Sin
(Ri Yue Xing); Ching Chun Tang, Hsiao Hsi Yüan (including the Fourth-Generation
troupe) and Ming Chuan from Taiwan; and Chin Liang Hsing from Kinmen. I am
also honoured to have won the Arts and Cultural Award for three consecutive years
(2013–2015) kindly awarded by the Hokkien Huay Kuan of Singapore, which had
allowed me to pursue my research on Hokkien theatre. Special thanks go to the
editorial team of Springer and the reviewers who have patiently helped me through
the process of publication. Finally, Zac for his love and care in accompanying me all
this while.
Singapore Caroline Chia
Notes on Basic Terminology
The key topic in this book is Hokkien regional theatre, and there are several termi-
nologies pertaining to regional usage. The same term may differ from community to
community and place to place. The reader may find it useful to understand these
terms, which are often specifically related to the context. This study deals essen-
tially with theatre in a religious institution, which in most cases refers to the Chinese
temple (miao 廟). Within the category of ‘temple theatre’, this book distinguishes
two types of performances that are performed in a temple setting but have distinct
functions. The first is ‘liturgical theatre’, which requires the performer to be a reli-
gious specialist or has gone through strict religious training to perform.1 The second
is ‘celebratory theatre’ (choushenxi 酬神戲) or known as ‘folk theatre’ (民戲 minxi)
in Taiwan2, which is typically staged to celebrate the feast day of a deity (shendan
神誕) and is performed in the temple. In ‘celebratory theatre’, the puppeteer needs
not be a religious specialist.
Due to the religious nature of the performance, it is also essential to understand
the role played by religious specialists. Most of the performances discussed in this
study relate to the Daoist context. Hence, I will limit the discussion to Daoist reli-
gious specialists only. The Daoist priest (daoshi 道士, also translated as ‘Dignitary
of Tao’) is an organized and hereditary profession.3 Their line of work used to be
1 A number of scholars have used the term ‘yishiju’ (儀式劇), which means ‘ritual theatre’ if
directly translated. However, I have chosen to use “liturgical theatre” because ‘ritual’ may not
necessarily include liturgy. See Yung Sai-shing, Xiqu renleixue chutan: Yishi, juchang yu shequn,
Guilin: Guangxi Shifan Daxue chubanshe, 2003; David Johnson, Ritual opera, operatic ritual:
“Mu-lien Rescues His Mother” in Chinese popular culture, Berkeley, Calif.: University of
California: c1989; Qitao Guo, Ritual opera and Mercantile Lineage: the Confucian transformation
of popular culture in late Imperial Huizhou, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2005.
2 The English translation of minxi to ‘folk theatre’ is the author’s own. The term ‘minxi’ in Taiwan
is similar to celebratory theatre or ‘choushenxi’, see Lin Ho-Yi, Dongfang jixing juchang, Gezai xi
‘zuo huo xi’ 東方即興劇場: 歌仔戲 ‘做活戲’, Shangpian: Gezai xi jixing xiju yanjiu, Taida chu-
ban zhongxin, 2016, 242.
3 Kristofer Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.
XLV, No. 1, November 1985, 27.
vii
viii Notes on Basic Terminology
officially recognized in imperial China, and Daoist priests are still respected in soci-
ety today.4 The Daoist priest performs rituals by reciting texts that are written in the
classical language. These texts are usually copied anew during the ordainment of a
new member.5 We often see the rendering of liturgical services by Daoist priests in
the same venue where performances, whether liturgical or celebratory, are staged.
Some Daoist priests take part in liturgical theatre. In my observation of puppeteers
engaging in liturgical theatre in Singapore, there are few who perform the dual func-
tion of puppeteer and Daoist priest. In other words, those who conducted liturgical
rites as part of theatre are not Daoist priests by profession.
Also belonging to the category of ritual specialist but with some distinct differ-
ences from the Daoist priest is the role played by a shigong (師公) or fashi (法師),
translated as ‘master of rites’ or ‘ritual masters’. In contrast to the priest, the shigong
is not regarded as belonging to an organized profession and is usually linked to
cults. He engages in monotonous chanting of texts that are mainly in rhymed verse.6
The shigong is involved in vernacular rituals that involve music, ballads and martial
combats that very much resemble a theatrical performance. In some traditions, the
puppeteer is also a shigong. Another important difference between the Daoist priest
and shigong is that the former can perform both classical and vernacular rituals but
the latter can only perform vernacular rituals.7 In Singapore, this distinction between
the priest and shigong is blurred as the priest is often called a shigong (sai-kong in
Hokkien). However, in Kinmen, there is a distinct difference between the roles
played by the Daoist priest and fashi, which will be elaborated in the section on
Kinmen.
As this book focuses mainly on the Hokkien group, the term ‘Hokkien’ also
requires some explanation here. ‘Hokkien’ refers to people who are born in or are
descendants of those from southern Fujian in China. The prominence of the Hokkien
group has led to several scholarly studies dating as early as the nineteenth century.8
A number of romanized terms, such as ‘South Fukienese’ and ‘Hokkienese’, have
emerged as a result.9 Given that the focus here is on the Hokkien group in Singapore,
a diaspora community whose ancestral origin was from southern Fujian, I have
opted to use the term ‘Hokkien’, which is also documented in the national statistics
and official documents in Singapore.10 In addition, ‘Hokkien’ is widely accepted
4 Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 24, 35.
5 Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 25.
6 Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 35.
7 J.J.M. De Groot, The Religious System of China: its ancient forms, evolution, history and present
aspect, manners, custom and social institutions connected therewith. Taipei, Taiwan: Literature
House, 1964, 1255; Schipper, “Vernacular and Classical Ritual in Taoism”, 36.
8 See J.J.M. De Groot, Buddhist masses for the dead at Amoy. Leyde: E.J. Brill, 1884.
9 For the use of ‘Fukienese’, see Ng Chin-Keong, Trade and Society: The Amoy Network. Singapore
University Press, 1983. For the use of ‘Hokkienese’, see Naosaku Uchida, The Overseas Chinese:
a bibliographical essay based on the resources of the Hoover Institution, Hoover Institution on
War, Revolution, and Peace, Stanford University, c1959.
10 In some of the early sources on the Hokkien group, the term is sometimes spelt as ‘Hokien’. See
Siah U Chin (Seah Eu Chin 佘有進), “The Chinese in Singapore: General sketch of the numbers,
Notes on Basic Terminology ix
and used today.11 This term will also apply in the cases of southern Fujian, Taiwan
and Kinmen, unless otherwise stated.
Due to the diversity of theatrical forms related to the Hokkien group, I will pro-
vide a brief explanation here. I have selected three main forms of opera—Liyuan
opera (Liyuanxi 梨園戲), Gaojia opera (Gaojiaxi 高甲戲 kau-kah) and Gezai opera
(Gezaixi 歌仔戲  kua-hì)—and two types of puppet theatre—glove puppetry
(Budaixi 布袋戲) and string puppetry (Tixianxi 提線戲)—as my scope of study. In
this book, the term ‘Hokkien theatre’ will be used to refer to the above theatrical
forms.
The next set of terms concern the types of scripts used in temple theatre, which
can be hard to have a clear-cut categorization. Nonetheless, I will attempt to list a
few types related to my study and explain the different terms used to refer to the
same type of script. 
The first type is a full-length script complete with the libretti of various character
roles (hangdang 行当), including the singing and speech parts. In some scripts, the
tunes are also listed. Stage directions are also given. The category of full-length
script can be further classified into a script copied by hand (shouchaoben 手抄本)
or one that has been written down based on oral transmission (koushuben 口述本),
usually by a veteran performer. The second type usually consists of a brief outline
of the scenes of the play. Terms differ according to regional usages, some examples
include ‘table of scenes’ (mubiao 幕表), ‘outline’ (tigang 提綱) and ‘stage counts’
(taishu 台數 tâi sò·).
The medium of performance of temple theatre depends on the type of language
used in the region. Terms such as ‘regional language’, ‘regional speech’, and
‘regional vernacular’ are used instead of ‘dialects’ because these regional languages
are mutually unintelligible.12 There are exceptional cases in Singapore society dur-
ing the twentieth century when Hokkien was the lingua franca of the various groups
tribes, and avocations of the Chinese in Singapore”, Journal of Indian Archipelago and East Asia,
Vol. II (1848), pp. 283-290. For official records of the Hokkien group, I have cited information
from The Singapore Department of Statistics (DOS). See Singstat, “Census of Population 2010,
Statistical Release 1, Demographic Characteristics, Education, Language and Religion”, Table 4:
Chinese Resident Population by Age Group, Dialect Group and Sex, https://www.singstat.gov.sg/
docs/defaultsource/default-document-library/publications/publications_and_papers/cop2010/cen-
sus_2010_release1/cop2010sr1.pdf, accessed 5 August 2016.
11 Until the 1960s, the term ‘Amoy-dialect’ was used not just to refer to the language spoken by
people from Xiamen (Amoy) in southern Fujian, it also referred to the language spoken by those
from other parts of southern Fujian (regardless of accents), as well as migrants and their descen-
dants in other parts of Asia. This language is, however, more commonly referred today as ‘Hokkien’
in Anglophone Southeast Asia. See Jeremy E. Taylor, Rethinking Transnational Chinese Cinemas:
The Amoy-dialect Film Industry in Cold War Asia. New York, NY: Routledge, 2011, xii.
12 Victor Mair has argued against the translation of fangyan into ‘dialect’ and suggested the use of
‘topolect’ instead. Throughout this dissertation, I choose to use the term ‘regional language’ or
‘regional vernacular’ because of the relatively infrequent use of ‘topolect’, which is derived from
the Greek language. For further discussion on the use of ‘topolect’, see Victor H. Mair, “What is a
Chinese “Dialect/Topolect”? Reflections on Some Key Sino-English Linguistic Terms”, Sino-
Platonic Papers, No. 29, September 1991, 1-31.
x Notes on Basic Terminology
Appendix 1 Comparison of Pe̍h-ōe-jī and Hanyu Pinyin in the tonal system
Pe̍h-ōe-jī Hanyu Pinyin
a ā
á à
à ǎ
ah –
â á
ā ǎ
áh –
of the ethnic Chinese community and different ethnic groups. Nevertheless, the
term ‘language’ is preferred.
At the first instance, all Mandarin terms are given in hanyu pinyin in italics fol-
lowed by the traditional Chinese font. In cases where the Hokkien pronunciation is
also provided, the Mandarin term will usually appear first.13 For the Hokkien pro-
nunciation, this monograph uses mostly the Pe̍h-ōe-jī (POJ) romanization but also
consult Hokkien dictionaries for a more accurate illustration.14 The English transla-
tion of Mandarin terms is used if they are widely known in academic scholarship.
For Taiwanese and Kinmenese names, the Wade-Giles spelling is adopted.
Traditional Chinese is used for the Mandarin terms.
13 Unless otherwise stated, I have mostly referred to Luc de Gijzel’s dictionary for the Hokkien
pronunciation and spelling. Luc de Gijzel, Penang Hokkien Dictionary, Penang, Malaysia: Areca
Books, 2013.
14 I have come up with a table comparing the POJ and HYPY spellings that may be useful for
Hanyu pinyu users (like myself). See Appendix 1.