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Can Reform Save the United Nations? Opportunities for Creating an Effective
Multilateral Body for the Twenty-First Century
Johanna Mendelson Forman
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Multilateral Body for the Twenty-First Century',American Foreign Policy Interests,27:5,349 — 363
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DOI:10.1080/10803920500326019
Can Reform Save the United Nations?
Opportunities for Creating an Effective
Multilateral Body for the Twenty-First Century
Johanna Mendelson Forman
Introduction September 2005 World Summit or whether it falls
further outside the orb of international politics
will be determined not only by specific changes
At a time of crisis in the international system that many member states recognize are essen-
8
0
0 and of particular ferment among those who sup-
2 tial but also by whether the United States allows
r
be port multilateralism, it is useful to recall the the United Nations to exercise its multilateral
m
ove words of Eleanor Roosevelt: “The future belongs muscle in a way that respects the basic principles
N
12 to those who believe in the beauty of dreams.” articulated in the Charter of 1945.
:39 A United Nations advocate from its inception, There is a great deal of literature on the topic
2
: 1 Eleanor Roosevelt might have been on to some- of UN reform. This article seeks to add to that
t
] A thing when she referred to the beauty of dreams. literature by putting the UN reform process in
m
iu Indeed ending the scourge of wars and promot- the context of current events. Specifically the fol-
t
r
so ing peace is still an illusive mission for the world lowing questions are raised: Was the way in which
n
o
C membership organization as it enters its sixtieth
the United Nations handled the war in Iraq a
N
O
IC year. The dream of a world where nation-states symptom of future incapacity to deal with the
E
[N are the sole arbiters of international relations is United States in the world forum, or was the epi-
:
By also a relic of a bygone era as nongovernmental sode merely an exceptional situation that does
d
ade organizations, individuals, and nonstate actors not render the workings of the Security Council
o
wnl have become key players in a world of diplomacy, ineffective? Although the specifics of UN actions
o
D international politics, and conflict. Perhaps it is
vis-à-vis Iraq will not be dealt with, how the cur-
this dream we talk about when we approach the rent reform agenda was driven by the rift cre-
subject of UN reform. ated by the inaction of the Security Council to
The context for UN reform has changed in
sanction a war will be discussed. In addition, the
the twenty-first century. This is most evident in question of how current plans to reform the
the types of proposals currently being presented United Nations may either lead to a more invigo-
to the General Assembly for consideration. From
rated institution or one whose role will be lim-
an era of “good feeling” about multilateral diplo- ited to situations in which the United States and
macy that marked the end of the cold war to the its allies render it fit to handle will be explored.
war in Iraq in 2003, the United Nations has be-
come the target of attacks at the core of its mis-
Historical Attempts at UN Reform
sion—maintaining peace and protecting civilians
from genocide.
Whether the United Nations emerges re- The question of why this reform is different
newed in the pursuit of these goals after the from others that have preceded it is similar to
American Foreign Policy Interests
350 Johanna Mendelson-Forman
the three proverbial questions of the Jewish fes- Further complicating any discussion of UN
tival of Passover. In other words, as the reform reform is the fact that the UN is fundamentally a
debate is repeated every year, we also ask whether political institution. Consequently, the proposals
and why this reform is different from all others; that have been set forth in the recent iteration of
and if it is different, what will it do? Finally, what institutional reform are as much a reflection of
value is any reform if the global consensus on changing international political alliances and
multilateralism no longer exists? positions as they are of ways in which the UN as
To answer this question is to retell the story a bureaucracy responds to the demands placed
of UN reform in the context of current efforts. on it by its membership. As Edward Luck has
Because context is central to the state of play, it stated, three factors help make or break a reform
is fair to say that the UN has been trying to re- process: who makes the reform decisions; who
form itself since its inception. According to Ed- implements them; and who pays for them.4 These
ward Luck’s study of the history of UN reform, factors are in evidence as the UN faces yet an-
within two years of the signing of the UN Char- other round of reforms in the sixtieth General
ter, the U.S. Congress began to call for sweeping Assembly session.
reforms of UN finance and administration.1 This
008 study also points out that in the last broad-based Current Approaches to Reform
2
r reform review, which took place in 1995–1997,
e
b
m
e
v
o the General Assembly was consumed
N The United Nations: Reform from Within
2
1 with no less than five working groups
9
3
: on different aspects of reform, its Presi-
2
: 1 dent engrossed in developing his own Over the course of its existence, the UN has
t
] A reform package, the Security Council tried to balance its agenda for promoting peace
m
tiu reviewed its working methods, the Eco- with its agenda for development. This tension has
r
o been artfully expressed in the most recent effort
ns nomic and Social Council (ECOSOC)
o
C at UN self-reform under Secretary General Kofi
N adopted new procedures for relating to
O
C Annan. His report of March 2005, In Larger Free-
EI NGOs, and the new Secretary General
[N dom, specifically identifies the nexus between
offered a comprehensive, if generally
:
By security and development as central to the future
modest, plan for Secretariat reform.2
d
de of the UN:
a
o
l
n The consistency and thoroughness of these his-
w
o
D torical attempts at reform demonstrate the con- In this new millennium, the work of the
stancy of reform along with the difficulties of ef- United Nations must move our world
fecting real change in the global political institu- closer to the day when all people have
tion. the freedom to choose the kind of lives
When the UN framers created the institution they would like to live, the access to the
in 1945, amending the Charter was deliberately resources that would make those
made difficult. As evidence, despite sixty years of choices meaningful, and the security to
efforts to improve, refine, and reform the UN ensure that they can be enjoyed in
Charter, it has been modified only three times. peace.5
The Security Council has been enlarged once, in
Reconceptualizing the goals of attaining collec-
1963, and the Economic and Social Council twice.3
tive security, development, and peace is at the
Aside from these modifications, efforts to change
heart of UN attempts to reform itself.6
the basic Charter have proved elusive. Thus the
Two documents form the core of current UN
current round of reforms has been carefully honed
reform proposals: the Report of the High-Level
in order to avoid the pitfalls of the past.
American Foreign Policy Interests
Can Reform Save the United Nations? 351
Panel on Threats, Challenges, and Change and cant that the central concept of the report notes
the secretary general’s report, In Larger Free- that “not only are development, security, and
dom.7 The secretary general’s report used the human rights all imperative; they also reinforce
findings of the High-Level Panel Report as a each other.”9 The secretary general’s focus on the
springboard for his own recommendations. necessity of various freedoms draws on Nobel
Both documents address substantive issues aris- Laureate Amartya Sen’s conceptualization of de-
ing from new threats to collective security and velopment as the increase of human freedoms in
the more mundane yet essential management order to live a fuller, more prosperous life.10 In
reforms that may convince the UN to adopt Larger Freedom specifically points to the role of
twenty-first-century management practices. The the United Nations in this process through pro-
restatement of these recommended reforms is viding recommendations for ways to enhance the
known as the Outcome Document, a compilation body’s ability to safeguard “freedom from want,”
of those items, both substantive and managerial, “freedom from fear,” and “freedom to live in dig-
that were identified by member states as priority nity.” These sections correspond to improving
action items. member states’ capacities to promote develop-
ment, security, human rights, democracy, and the
008 Report of the High-Level Panel rule of law, respectively. Also of note in this docu-
2
r ment are the implications for democracy based
e
b
m on an acknowledgment of the relationship be-
e
ov What is novel in all of these documents is a
N tween those freedoms and the support expressed
12 new definition of security that embraces the needs
for the creation of a UN Democracy Fund to help
9
2:3 of individuals as well as states. Threats that were support democratic governance worldwide.
1
: identified by the High-Level Panel Report and
t
A
] expanded on by the secretary general also are sig-
um World Summit Outcome Document
i nificant for their responsiveness to the current
t
r
o
s global security environment. The report lists six
n
o
C
threats without boundaries: economic and social In transforming these concepts and recom-
N
O
IC threats, including poverty, infectious disease, and mendations into policy and attempting to obtain
E
N
[ environmental degradation; interstate conflict; tradeoffs between the North and the South on
:
y
B internal conflict, including civil war, genocide, and security development, the General Assembly cre-
d
e
ad other large-scale atrocities; nuclear, radiological, ated an Outcome Document. The document lists
o
l
wn chemical, and biological weapons; terrorism; and proposals that member states will deliberate on
o
D
transnational organized crime.8 This new line of in order to reach agreement on reforms at the
thought recognizes the impact of globalization on September 2005 World Summit. It contains four
a nation’s capacity to respond to threats as well main thematic foci: development, peace and col-
as the international community’s capacity to pre- lective security, human rights and the rule of law,
vent them. and strengthening the United Nations. General
Assembly President Jean Ping’s facilitators for
the reform process, a group of 10 permanent rep-
Report of the Secretary General: In
resentatives to the United Nations, were instru-
Larger Freedom
mental in bringing three drafts of the document
through negotiations between the global North
Expanding on the High-Level Panel Report, and South in the six months leading to the sum-
In Larger Freedom, a title borrowed from the mit.11
Charter that echoes the words of Franklin Delano Over the course of deliberations on this docu-
Roosevelt, juxtaposes the original purposes of the ment, the most vanguard propositions of the re-
UN with current and future threats. It is signifi- forms have been the Peace Building Commission,
American Foreign Policy Interests
352 Johanna Mendelson-Forman
the Human Rights Council, the responsibility to tions, the chapter on development in the Outcome
protect, and the question of UN management re- Document is based on the concept of the need for
form. The Peace Building Commission would a global partnership to coordinate policies and
serve as an advisory body to assist countries decisions. The primary responsibility for estab-
emerging from conflict and to address their needs lishing development strategies resides in the de-
to achieve sustainable peace. Also, the commis- veloping countries, while industrialized nations
sion would deal with issues such as the use of are exhorted to help them by increasing their
force and threat of the use of force, disarmament, overseas development assistance and establish-
and nonproliferation. The commission would be ing timetables for reaching the 0.7 percent of the
composed of directly related parties: the five per- GNP target that the secretary general has set in
manent Security Council members or simply five order to reach the Millennium Development
members of the Security Council, the five princi- Goals of reducing poverty by 2015.
pal troop contributors to the United Nations, the The U.S. government, however, is less sup-
five principal financial contributors to the United portive than many other states of the position of
Nations, five members of ECOSOC, and involved member states and the secretary general’s tar-
international financial institutions. get. Indeed, the U.S. government maintains that
08 The replacement of the discredited Human its commitment to development through the Mil-
0
2
r Rights Commission, which harbors violators of lennium Challenge Account and its support of the
e
b
m human rights, with an elected Human Rights Monterrey Consensus demonstrate the Bush
e
v
o
N Council has been controversial. The proposed administration’s support for the global South. As
2
1
council would be given a clear mandate to engage Ambassador Nicholas Burns, undersecretary for
9
3
2: in capacity building that would enable states to political affairs, testified to the Senate Foreign
1
t: protect and promote human rights and would Relations Committee on July 21, 2005,
A
m] create a universal review in which each state
u
i
rt would be examined to determine whether it had We have increased official development
o
s
on fulfilled its various human rights obligations. assistance by 90 percent since 2000,
C
ON The concept of the responsibility to protect is nearly tripled aid to Africa during the
C
I
NE another visionary component of the Outcome same period, established the Millen-
[
: Document. This notion would be phased into tra- nium Challenge Account, and led donor
y
B
d ditional notions of sovereignty and noninterven- funding in the fight against HIV/AIDS.
e
d
oa tion. Currently a rough consensus has been We cannot and should not endorse aid
l
n
ow reached that when a country is unable or unwill- targets, but need not object to commit-
D
ing to defend its own population from serious ments made by others to such targets.12
crimes such as genocide or ethnic cleansing; the
international community has a responsibility to As evidenced by this statement, it is unlikely that
do so through the United Nations. the U.S. government will commit to the figure of
Management reforms also have been given 0.7 percent for the reform effort. Such a demand
serious consideration in the Outcome Document is considered a deal breaker because the Bush
and demonstrate a strong commitment to change. administration has increased foreign aid more
Many of the provisions coincide with U.S. provi- than previous governments, although money
sions on transparency and accountability. Because alone will not complete the development agenda
the U.S. government sees these reforms as the and the bulk of U.S. assistance still goes for hu-
condition for all other changes, the challenge for manitarian purposes.
the United Nations would be to implement these The Outcome Document chapter on peace and
decisions once they have been made. collective security is based on the recognition of
In addition to these groundbreaking proposi- the interdependence of nations and on recogniz-
American Foreign Policy Interests
Can Reform Save the United Nations? 353
ing new global threats. The work presented in Should an agreement allow a long-needed reform
this chapter deals with how the spread of weap- to balance regional representation, it would most
ons of mass destruction and infectious diseases likely not prevent future problems such as the
affects security. In addition, the chapter deals with one the United States encountered over Iraq in
the possibility of UN strategic military reform, 2003. As Jane Boulden and Thomas Weiss point
expanding the capacity for rapid deployment, and out:
the behavior of troops under the UN mandate.
The primary issue in the chapter on human The Security Council is not a road
rights is the need for compromise by heads of Washington always, or never, takes.
states in order to strengthen the human rights Clearly, no US administration would
machinery of the United Nations. To strengthen ever permit the Council to stand in the
the Office of the High Commissioner of Human way of pursuing perceived national se-
Rights, the document points toward improving curity interests. At the same time, the
treaty bodies and mainstreaming human rights existence of a legitimate Security Coun-
throughout other areas. The chapter also deals cil ultimately fosters US national se-
with democracy as a value that is generally ac- curity. The Council often serves vital
08 cepted by all member states. interests and gives the US cause to pro-
0
2 ceed cautiously and with international
r
e
mb acquiescence, if not jubilant support.
ve Security Council Reform
No The Bush administration is discovering
2
1 that “even more imperfectly legiti-
9
2:3 Security Council reform, last tackled in the mated power is likely to be much more
1
: early 1960s, made its way onto the current re- effective than crude coercion.”14
t
A
] form agenda through calls both for an expansion
m
u
i of the council’s permanent membership and for
t
r The United States: Multifaceted
o
s regional representation more reflective of power
n
o
C
N in the world.13 The expansion of the council has Approaches to Reform
O
IC been treated both as an integral part of the cur-
E
N
[ rent reform debate and as a separate track for
:
y
B discussion among member states as the process Impetus for Reform Within the United
d
e
oad of overall UN reform advances toward the sixti- States
l
wn eth General Assembly.
o
D
The Security Council reform debate has been
The current crisis in UN management has its
based on two main proposals: that of the secre-
origins in past efforts to rein in the ever-growing
tary general as presented in In Larger Freedom
bureaucracy and in the post–Iraq war review of
and that of the G-4 countries that are hoping to
the UN-administered Oil for Food (OFF) Pro-
obtain permanent seats (Japan, India, Germany,
gram. During the period between the two Gulf
and Brazil). The deal breaker for these proposals
wars, the Security Council imposed sanctions on
has been the demands of the African Union for
Iraq to prevent it from developing nuclear weap-
additional seats to be given to African nations.
ons capability. UN inspections of Iraqi facilities
The United States has come out in support of the
were part of the terms and conditions that marked
expansion of the council to include Japan. Yet such
the end of the Gulf War in 1990, as stated in
a move is likely to be contested by China.
Security Council Resolution 678. In addition,
Although a great degree of emphasis is placed
“economic sanctions against Saddam Hussein’s
on these debates and negotiations, the key issue
regime and the UN-led Oil for Food Program were
is whether an expanded Security Council would
both governed by extensive sets of Security Coun-
prevent an impasse such as the one seen in Iraq.
American Foreign Policy Interests
354 Johanna Mendelson-Forman
cil resolutions.”15 Some argue that the Security into the mishandling of the program. To date
Council resolution authorizing inspections was (August 2005) the investigation has yielded two
operative when the U.S. coalition launched its indictments and a broad picture of how the fund
invasion in 2003. Although this is a moot point, was mismanaged.17 It provided a public window
it is still a matter of debate in some circles that through which to view the problems facing the
see the United Nations’ unwillingness to support United Nations as it tried on its own to seek re-
an invasion as a breach of the obligations it as- forms in all aspects of its management systems.
sumed in Resolution 678. If the OFF Program became a lightening rod
By 1995 sanctions were not only preventing for bad management practices at the United Na-
the spread of nuclear material but also were tions, it also pointed to one basic truth that has
affecting the daily lives of millions of Iraqis. often been overlooked in the heated debate over
Humanitarian aid was needed for women and management: The OFF Program worked. It pre-
children to prevent starvation and disease. The vented the regime of Saddam Hussein from im-
creation of the OFF Program allowed the gov- porting nuclear materials, and it authenticated
ernment of Saddam Hussein to sell Iraqi oil the importance of UN inspectors who worked tire-
through a UN program that was intended to yield lessly to ensure that the sanctions imposed by the
08 resources to purchase food and medical supplies Security Council were actually enforced. The les-
0
2
r to support the desperate Iraqi population. This sons learned from the program and the role of
e
b
m program, the largest feeding program ever sanctions as a tool of diplomacy must be consid-
e
v
o
N handled by the United Nations, fell victim to all ered at the same time that the management role
2
1
types of financial mismanagement. Its size, the of the United Nations is under scrutiny.18
9
3
2: scope of its mission, and the sheer volume of funds For the United States, management reform
1
t: ($60 billion U.S.) made the program vulnerable. at the United Nations is a sine qua non of its own
A
m] It should be noted that the Security Council and agenda as the United Nations turns sixty. The
u
i
rt the 661 Sanctions Committee also were overseers newly appointed undersecretary for management,
o
s
on of this program (on August 6, 1990, “UN Secu- Christopher Burnham, noted in a public discus-
C
ON rity Council Resolution UNSCR 661 passed, sion of UN reform that a U.S. priority is estab-
C
I
E creat[ing] the “661 Committee” to oversee sanc- lishing effective fiscal and personnel systems.
N
[
: tions imposed on Iraq”).16 Thus the 661 Commit- When he added that his loyalties in this position
y
B
d tee and the Security Council also bear some of were not to the UN membership but to the United
e
d
oa the blame for not acting sooner when allegations States and to the president who appointed him
l
n
ow of improper actions arose. —“I came here at the request of the White House.
D
In the period after the fall of Saddam Hussein, It’s my duty to make the UN more effective.
the OFF Program came under close scrutiny, es- My primary loyalty is to the United States of
pecially by U.S. congressional leaders, who inves- America”19—his words angered the general
tigated its management practices in part to seek membership.
greater transparency and to embarrass the Herein lies the dilemma of such reform. There
United Nations for its lack of enthusiasm for sup- is no doubt that the types of reforms recom-
porting the U.S. decision to go to war. Continued mended by the secretary general are essential.
investigations into the corruption and leakage in Furthermore, many have already been imple-
the program caught the attention of no fewer than mented or are in the process of moving forward.
seven independent congressional committees in What is unclear, however, is whether a major over-
a total of 14 hearings. Ultimately a special inves- haul of the UN system’s management structure
tigative commission created by Secretary General is possible unless it is driven by the entire mem-
Kofi Annan and headed by former Federal Re- bership or at least by the primary financial stake-
serve Chairman Paul Volcker began an inquiry holders in the system. Reforms are not revenue-
American Foreign Policy Interests
Can Reform Save the United Nations? 355
neutral acts. For example, the recommenda- Congress to call for a bipartisan task force to re-
tion to buy out UN employees as a way of get- view prospects for reform of the United Nations.
ting rid of deadwood would consume even more The U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) coordinated
resources.20 the task force, which included participants from
a diverse group of leading think tanks and policy
centers.22 The resulting report, American Inter-
Congressional Initiatives
ests and UN Reform, offers a bipartisan perspec-
tive on UN reform.
As of this writing, the U.S. government, al-
Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich and
though seeking reform, is caught in a position in
former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell
which Congress is unwilling to authorize appro-
headed the panel, which presented its report in
priations necessary to pay for the costs of change.
June of 2005. The report recognizes the point
In mid-June 2005, the House approved the Henry
made in In Larger Freedom—that in today’s in-
Hyde (Rep., Ill.) “UN Reform Act of 2005” that
terconnected world, global problems require
includes 46 provisions viewed as essential to the
global solutions. Furthermore, the report points
UN reform process. It links them to the payment
out the necessity of American leadership in mak-
of up to 50 percent of U.S. dues in any given fis-
08 ing the United Nations an effective institution.
0
2 cal year. Furthermore, this bill has a provision
r It also underscores the fact that the United Na-
be that would set a 25 percent cap on funding for
m tions is a body composed of individual nation-
e
ov peacekeeping missions should reforms not be met,
N states that often blame the United Nations when
12 causing new U.S. arrears to accumulate after
they have blocked collective action.23
9
2:3 October 1, 2005. The positive nature of the report in endors-
1
t: In the Senate, Gordon Smith (Rep., Ore.) in- ing the principles of multilateralism must be tem-
A
m] troduced a version of the bill passed by the House, pered by the tone of the recommendations, many
u
i while Senators Norm Coleman (Rep., Minn.) and
rt of which were incorporated into the proposed
o
s Richard Lugar (Rep., Ind.) introduced a different
on UN reform legislation. Nevertheless, the report
C
bill, the “United Nations Management, Person-
ON supports the creation of a Peace Building Com-
IC nel, and Policy Reform Act of 2005.” This legisla-
E mission and endorses the abolition of the dys-
N
[ tion states that should nothing be done in terms
: functional Human Rights Commission and its
y
B of reform, the president has the authority to with-
d replacement by a council. The report covered
e
oad hold up to 50 percent of dues. The bill draws from preventing genocide and human rights abuses;
l
own the report of the Gingrich–Mitchell United States development and humanitarian assistance; in-
D
Institute of Peace Task Force, which states that
tegrity, transparency, accountability, and effec-
the report “provides excellent recommendations
tiveness; preventing and ending conflicts; and
for management and policy reform.” 21 Unlike
preventing catastrophic terrorism. The most con-
the Hyde legislation, this bill presents recommen-
tentious of these topics were the recommenda-
dations for the United Nations rather than re-
tions on integrity, transparency, accountability,
quirements on which the U.S. payment of dues is
and effectiveness. Specifically these recommen-
contingent.
dations propose that the United Nations
The Gingrich–Mitchell USIP Task Force • establish an Independent Oversight
Board that will monitor UN activi-
Report
ties, deter corruption, and ensure
efficient use of resources;
Provoked by the UN failure to act in the face
• create a senior position for an offi-
of genocide in Darfur, Sudan, in December 2004,
cial in charge of daily operations
Congressman Frank Wolf (Rep., Va.) provoked
American Foreign Policy Interests
356 Johanna Mendelson-Forman
and fill the role of chief operating the Congo and the Middle East.24 Although this
officer; crisis was ultimately resolved by the International
Court of Justice, the tactic of withholding dues
• establish a system to ensure that
to the United Nations has been a favorite means
UN procedures are conducted
used by member states in attempts to paralyze
openly and according to the rules;
the world body in times of political polarization
• implement a modern personnel sys- or dissention.
tem to evaluate performance, re- For the U.S. government and the NGO com-
cruit highly qualified employees, munity, management reform above all other
and remove unprofessional staff; changes is central to an effective United Nations.
Ambassador Anne Patterson, deputy U.S. perma-
• establish effective protection
nent representative to the United Nations,
mechanisms for employees who
pointed out this priority in a statement to the
come forward and report miscon-
United Nations on August 2, 2005.
duct; and
• develop new standards of ethical be- The United States is committed to a
8 havior for personnel and promote package of sweeping reforms that will
0
0
2 them within the organization. change the face of the United Nations
r
e
mb —reforms that include . . . improved UN
e
Nov As the report makes clear, the U.S. preoccupa- management practices that bring a level
12 tion with management reform is more central to of transparency and accountability that
9
3 UN reform than the corresponding emphasis seen
2: has previously been lacking. . . . We also
1
in the Outcome Document.
: need a clearer policy on waiver of im-
t
A
] munity and establishment of an Over-
m
u
i
t Management Reform sight Advisory Committee with a
r
o
ns clearer mandate, not least to recom-
o
C
N mend proper budget levels for Office of
O Management crises have consistently plagued
C
EI the Inspector for Oversight Services,
N the United Nations as an institution. These prob-
[
: which should remain independent of
y lems have focused on resource management, ex-
B
ed pansion of personnel, transparency and oversight the bodies it audits.25
d
a
lo of financial systems, and duplication of tasks and
n
w
Do missions. The costs of these problems became Analysis—What Can
evident in 2000, when the U.S. failure to pay its
Reform Legitimately
dues and the cumulative effect of nonpayment
resulted in a major political crisis that was ulti-
Attempt to Change?
mately solved by then U.S. Permanent Represen-
tative to the United Nations Richard Holbrooke.
His famous compromise with U.S. Senator Jesse In light of the August recess appointment
Helms (Rep., N.C.), then the powerful chair of of John Bolton to serve as the U.S. permanent
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, ensured representative to the United Nations, the issue
that the United States would once meet its finan- of the hour is how he will live up to the commit-
cial obligations to the world body. This example ment made by President Bush to rejuvenate
was not a first. During the 1960s, at the height of the institution. In a recent comment on the UN
the cold war, the Soviet Union and France refused reform agenda, Ambassador Bolton said that
to pay their assessments at a critical time when “UN reform is not a one-night stand; UN re-
UN peace operations were taking place in both form is forever.”26 But whether that remark can
American Foreign Policy Interests
Can Reform Save the United Nations? 357
be construed to be a commitment by the United by the United Nations reminded the international
States to a genuine reform effort remains community of how essential the international
untested. organization was in moving Iraq out of chaos.
At the heart of this effort will be a need to Despite the Bush administration’s tendency
resurrect the values of internationalism that led to prefer informal over formal international
the United States to create the United Nations arrangements, only through institutional frame-
in the first place. As John Hamre, president of works can U.S. interests be best served. Specifi-
the Center for Strategic and International Stud- cally the frameworks provided by the United
ies so eloquently noted at the end of World War Nations, its Charter, and the resulting treaties it
II, enforces in human rights, counterterrorism, an-
ticorruption, and nonproliferation are essential
America took the lead to create a series for global policy. Thus the challenge for Bolton
of institutions, centered [on] the UN, and for the Bush administration is how to return
that enshrined Western values—repre- an institution, plagued by inefficiency but still
sentative government, due process, the embodiment of legitimacy, to a central place
public accountability, liberal values, eco- in the U.S. foreign policy tool kit.
08 nomic growth, and social development. Counterterrorism and peace building may be
0
2
r All were values inherently favorable to two areas in which the United Nations can play a
e
b
em the West and corrosive to the commu- vital role, as the threats of terrorists remain a
v
o
N nist system.27 constant for both the North and the South. Peace
2
1
building is an action that the United States can
9
3
2: The evolution of the United Nations, however, no longer pursue alone. Nor does it want to be
1
t: has resulted in a bureaucracy that is both frus- the sole military and development force involved
A
m] trating and often counterproductive. The U.S. in postconflict Africa, the Balkans, and Haiti. The
u
i
rt decision to attack Iraq proved that the United attacks of September 11, 2001, created a ground-
o
s
on Nations was no longer an institution capable of swell of UN member state support for greater
C
ON operating effectively. Moreover, it underscored the engagement in counterterrorism activity at the
C
I
NE growing U.S. frustration with formal institutions United Nations. Within days of the New York and
[
y: by utilizing “coalitions of the willing.” But even Washington attacks, the Security Council passed
B
d if the swift vanquishing of Saddam’s troops dem- Resolution 1378, which created a Counterterror-
e
d
oa onstrated the military might of the United States ism Commission and defined the work of the
l
n
ow and its coalition allies, it also demonstrated the United Nations to combat such acts of violence.
D
weakness of a policy that discards international- Using its framework-creating capacity, the United
ism. This policy has come up short as a solution Nations drafted a counterterrorism convention.
to the most basic of postwar needs: rebuilding It began to monitor enforcement of counterterror-
enduring institutions and restoring peace and ism activities among member states by requiring
security in a tortured land. annual reporting on efforts around the globe. The
The lesson of Iraq also has underscored a shift definition of terrorism that the high-level panel
in the way the United States has come to revisit recommended in its 2004 report, coupled with its
its relationship with the United Nations. Coali- endorsement in the secretary general’s report
tions of the willing might work for the moment, and its inclusion in the Summit Outcome Docu-
but when it comes to creating long-term condi- ment, indicates that this issue will remain high
tions that support U.S. interests, a more effec- on the agenda of the United Nations for years to
tive and stronger United Nations must be an come. This is a most welcome and positive devel-
option. The successful election of an interim opment, despite the tragic events that spawned
government in Iraq managed and implemented the actions.
American Foreign Policy Interests
