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Ojukwa, Chukwemeka Odumeguwu
As we go to Kampala .
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HOOVER INSTITUTION
onWar, Revolution, and Peace
FOUNDEDBY HERBERT HOOVER, 1919
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REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA
AS WE GO TO KAMPALA
SPEECHES by His Excellency Lt.-Col. C. Odumegwu Ojukwu,
Head of State and Commander-in -Chief of the Armed Forces,
Republic of Biafra
MINISTRY OF INFORMATION , ENUGU
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Statement by His Excellency Lt.-Colonel C. Odumegwu Ojukwu,
Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces,
Republic of Biafra, on Sunday May 19, 1968.
1
FELLOW BIAFRANS,
On Tuesday, 13th May, 1968, the Government and the people
of Biafra heard with joy and profound thankfulness the announce
ment of the decision of the Republic of Ivory Coast to accord
diplomatic recognition to our young nation. The bold and humani
tarian initiative taken by His Excellency, President Houphouet
Boigny of the Ivory Coast, coming soon after ourrecognitionby the
United Republic of Tanzania and the Republic of Gabon showed
that the case for Biafra's freedom is at long last being understood by
African nations and the world at large.
1 Speaking about the war between Biafra and Nigeria,President
Houphouet-Boigny expressed astonishment at the culpable indiffe
rence of the world to the wanton massacre of which Biafra had been
the theatre for more than ten months. “Unity, within an African
stateand between African states”, said the illustrous President, “ is the
ideal nursery in which African man attains his full development, but
we.c admit, so far as we are concerned, that it should become
his grave. We say 'yes' to unity in peace and through peace, unity
in love and through brotherhood. We say 'no' to unity in war and
through war, or unity in hatred”.
The same noble and humanitarian concept of national unity
also inspired Nwalimu Julius Nyerere, President of the United
Republic of Tanzania, and His Excellency Mr Albert Bongo,
President of the Republic of Gabon. They said —
“ The basis of statehood and of unity can only be general
acceptance by the participants. There is no unity between
the dead and those who kill them; and there is slavery on
domination.”
“Unity can only be realized in peace, fraternity and respect
of the self-determination of the peoples.”
These are the practical and humanitarian tests which have
enabled statesmen throughout history to decide when the acceptance
of a new state into the world community would lead to the allevia
tion of human problems and when it would unwarrantably augment
them . Applying these tests, recognition was recently accorded in
our own African Continent to the nations which emerged out of
the dissolutions of the Central African Federation, the United Arab
Republic, and the union of Mali with Senegal.
The point here is that the Biafra /Nigeria dispute cannot be
settled by victories won in the battlefield. The breach occurred in
the hearts and minds of men. Had the Lagos Government taken
early initiative, that breach could have healed but the goodwill was
lackingin Lagosand even now when peace is being mooted, Nigeria's
intensification of the war indicates that that goodwill is still lacking.
Lagos still desires war and the glory of conquest; and having un
leashed among its armed forces a burning fever of tribal hatred and
blood lust directed against Biafrans, offers to believe that these
divisive atavistic influences would make Nigeria one.
At the beginning of the Biafra /Nigeria war, the Lagos Govern
ment brandished the banner of its sovereign integrity, using it to
silence the world. Our sad story was then unknown except to a
few witnesses. African opinion seemed united in unfriendlysilence.
The military auguries predicted our imminent defeat. It seemed logi
cal then that out of ignorance world powers should espouse Nigeria's
unjust cause. But the scales are down now. Progressive African
opinion has accepted that justice and humanity are on our side.
For apart from those African countries who have accorded us recog
nition, other countries have spoken up against the criminal folly
of Nigeria's genocidal war, and against the imbecility of supposing
that unity can be attained through violence.
Leaders of religious and humanitarian opinion the world over
have testified in our support and one European country, at least,
has had the good graceofadmitting that she was wrong insupplying
arms to Nigeria. Biafra's defeat is no longer taken for granted,
and it is generally recognized that Biafrans will never, never yield
to force no matter how many temporary victories they may concede
to the Nigerian aggressor.
Those are the circumstances in which, as a result of international
pressures for which we are deeply grateful, resort is now being made
belatedly to the Conference Table. We have agreed to meet the
Nigerians in Kampala, Uganda, to explore avenues for a negotiated
peace. But while these peaceful overtures are being tendered and
accepted on both sides, Nigeria has intensified its bombing of civilian
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centres. In the last week of April when Mr Okoi Arikpo, Nigeria's
Commissioner for External Affairs, was in London talking about
negotiated settlement, Nigerian war planes killed over 650 Biafran
civilians mainly in the densely populated areas of Aba, Owerri, and
Umuahia. While the preliminary talks were in progress in London
the slaughter continued.
• On the 3rd of May, Nigerian planes bombed and strafed Okigwi
township and Orodo villagein Owerri, killing 36 and wounding 75.
On the 6th of May, Asa in Ukwa Division was bombed twice
killing 94 refugees in a C.M.S. Church school and wounding over 65.
On the 7th of May, Nigerian air raid claimed 19 lives at Eleme
near Port Harcourt and 5 on the Aba-Umuahia and Owerrinta
Umuahia roads.
On the 9th of May, raids at Umuomasi and Umukoroshe near
Port Harcourt caused 87 deaths; and at Mbawsi and Okpala 65 were
killed and about 140 injured.
• On the 10th of May, a refugee camp at Ariam housing 3,000 dis
placed persons was bombed and strafed by Nigerian war planes
killing 77 and injuring over 200. On the same day at Amasiri near
Afikpo 19 were killed and 43 wounded.
• On the 11th of May, 27 died as a result of Nigerian bombing of
a local market at Obehe near Aba; 4 were killed at Ibiono near
Umuahia.
• On the 12th of May, Nigerian planes visited Port Harcourt
Shell Residential area and Elelenwa twice, killing over 120 and
injuring more than 250.
• On the 14th of May, Port Harcourt was raided thrice killing12
and seriously injuring 25. Owerrinta was also raided and strafed
and 16 lives were lost.
It is evident to the meanest intelligence that the Lagos Govern
ment still means to subdue Biafra by force. That talk of peace is
to them a tactical necessity, a perfidious move to arrest further recog
nition of Biafra while talks about talks drag on and more lives are
lost. It took Lagos 12 days from the opening of the preliminary
meeting in London on the 4th May to the adjournment on May 15,
to confirm its acceptance of Kampala as a venue for full-scale con
ference. And while the Biafran delegation desired that the plenary
sessions be convened 48 hours after the close of preliminary talks,
Lagos insisted on an adjournment of almost two weeks. Meanwhile
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Nigerian pressures on Port Harcourt mount and Col. Gowon hopes
to capture what he imagines is “Biafra's only outlet to the outside
world”.
Questioned in the British House of Commons the other day
aboutBritish military aid to Nigeria, Mr Harold Wilson, the Prime
Minister gave a rather curious reply which could only be interpreted
to mean that Britain was determined to continue such aid to Nigeria
until her aims against us were accomplished.
The fact can no longer be hidden that Gowon's criminal attack
on the lives, the liberties and the homes of Biafrans is aided and
abetted by Britain for her own selfish ends. Was not the brutal
massacre of Biafrans in Northern Nigeria instigated by Britons?
Was the invasion of Biafra not actively promoted by David Hunt
and other British officers in Lagos? Even now Gowon is incapable
of any independent Nigerian or African initiative. He has consis
tently rejected African mediation in preference for Mr Arnold Smith.
He demurred for two weeks before agreeing that an African capital
is preferable to London as the venue for the peace conference.
And even in Kampala he needs the re-assurance of a white
chairman in preference to the Ugandan Head of State. Nigerian
aggression against Biafra has throughout been managed and sus
tained by Britain.
Under such circumstances, one wonders if it would not have
been more appropriate and honest for Biafra to sit down to negotiate
face to face with Britain, rather than with her Nigerian stooges ! It
must be understood that the war in which Britain and Nigeria are
collaborating is an imperialistic war.
For our own part, we go to the peace conference with absolute
sincerity, believing that this wastefulwar cannot end in victory for
either side. We do not desire victory over Nigeria, nor can Nigeria
EVER defeat us. This basic truth must be accepted for negotiations
to be fruitful, and once it is accepted, it becomes evident that nego
tiations cannot proceed without agreement on a date fixed for a
cease-fire.
A fact that must never be overlooked is that there can be no
peace so long as enemy troops remain anywhere in our territory.
As I have often repeated, we are fighting this war not for conquest
but for survival. Just as we do not want to be dominated, it is not
our intention to dominate anyone. If there is any doubt as to the
real wishes of people in the disputed areas, the government and
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