Barcelona, Housing Rent Bubble in a Tourist City. Social Responses and Local Policies

18 Pages·2017·1.46 MB·English

sustainability
Article
Barcelona, Housing Rent Bubble in a Tourist City.
Social Responses and Local Policies
AsunciónBlanco-Romero1,MaciàBlázquez-Salom2,* ID andGemmaCànoves1
1 DepartamentdeGeografia,UniversitatAutònomadeBarcelona,CampusdeBellaterra,EdificiB,
CarrerdelaFortuna,s/n,08193Bellaterra,Spain;[email protected](A.B.-R.);
[email protected](G.C.)
2 DepartamentdeGeografia,UniversitatdelesIllesBalears,CampusdelaUIB,EdificiBeatriudePinós,
Ctra.DeValldemossa,07122Palma,Spain
* Correspondence:[email protected];Tel.:[phone]
(cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:1)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:7)(cid:8)(cid:1)
(cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:7)
Received:5May2018;Accepted:13June2018;Published:15June2018
Abstract: Ten years after the housing bubble burst, Barcelona has experienced an increase in
rental prices. This increase in prices is due to a combination of factors such as household debt,
urbanentrepreneurialismandthemarketingofthecity,evictions,investmentbyspeculativecapital,
changesintenancyandanincreaseinrentalhousingfortourists. Overcrowdingfromtouristsis
gaininggroundasaconcerninmultifunctionalcities. Throughananalysisofstatisticsandin-depth
interviewswithqualifiedagents,itispossibletoobservehowsocialstrugglesandunsustainability
haveoutragedcitizensandpittedthemagainstovercrowdingfromtourismandthecommodification
ofthecity. ThelocaladministrationofBarcelonahastriedtorespondtothesituationbyinitiating
aprocessofregulationthroughurbanandtourismplanning. Ouranalysisshowsthattheseactions
areofgreatimportancebutarenotenoughtoalleviatesomeofthedrawbacks,suchastheshortage
ofrentalhousingandanexcessofhotelbeds.
Keywords: city; tourism; crisis; touristhousing; politicaleconomyoftourism; socialmovements;
Barcelona;ABTS;PEUAT
1. Introduction: TheTouristCitywithintheFrameworkofNeoliberalism
Atthebeginningofthe1970s,thedeclineinprofitratesandtheoveraccumulationofcapitalfueled
aneconomiccrisis.Thereafter,neoliberalismwasimposedasmainstreameconomicandpoliticalpolicy,
aswellasanupperechelonprojecttorestorethecapitalgainsrate[1]. Theshockofthecrisiswasused
asarationaletoapplymeasuresforglobalrestructuringandde-industrializingthecentraleconomies,
whichgeneratedunemploymentinthosepopulations. Thestateassumedanewrolethatfavored
accumulatingcapital,whichledtoregulationforcreatinganenvironmentthatisfavorabletogrowth
andinvestment. Neoliberalismpromulgatesgreaterefficiencyoftheprivatesector,theflexibilization
oftheregulatoryframework,andthereductionoftaxes. Inthisway,wealthisnotredistributedto
thestatebutinsteadtrustisplacedinthetrickle-downtheoryofeconomics. Thus,competitivenessis
thepatternofbehaviorthatguidesrelationshipsbetweenpeople,companiesandterritories.
Withtheburstingofthefinancialandrealestatebubble,the2008crisisfosteredprofit-seekingthrough
buyingupnaturalresources, landanddebt. Regardingtourism, capitaltookadvantageofthecrisis
to intensify class relations and restructure the tourism sector [2]. The deindustrialized city became
preytoaresurgenceintourism,forwhichitscivicculturewascommodifiedthroughthemarketing
ofthecity[3]. Theinclusionofnewelementsismorelucrative, sothisprocesshitsspecificgoods
ratherhard,suchasthosethatarescarcelikehousing;thatarecommon,likepublicspaces;orthat
areiconiccollectivecapitalgeneratedbysocialcohesion. Thisuniqueoffercreatesinterestinurban
Sustainability2018,10,2043;doi:10.3390/su10062043 www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability
Sustainability2018,10,2043 2of18
spacesthathaveremainedontheperipheryofthetouristmarketandwhohaveattentivelypreserved
theirsocialandculturalstructuresaswellastheircivitas[4]. The“touristificationoftheeveryday”[5]
impliestheemergenceofconflictsfromsocialsegregation,inflation,congestion,privatizationand
the trivialization of spaces [6]. The commodification of the multifunctional city—as opposed to
amonofunctionalFordisttouristresort—providescapitalfrommonopolisticrentsbasedonpoliciesthat
imposelimitationsandmakeitunique.Paradoxically,associaltensionsemergeandauthoritiesseekto
imposelimitsonhomogenizingmasstourism,thiscontributestocreatingacitybrandthatdifferentiates
anddistinguishesitself,thusmakingitevenmoreattractiveandmoreprofitabletocapital[7].
Theeconomic,socialandenvironmentalconditions,whichinducethefuturesustainabilityof
any development model, are altered by the intensification of the tourist use of the traditional city.
Accommodation capacity, for residents and for tourists, is one of the key variables for measuring
thesustainabilityofaterritory. Thisvariablewilldetermineitsconsumptionofenergy,waterand
materials or the generation of waste [8]. Consequently, a first and substantial way of measuring
sustainability is the analysis of dwelling development and management. Sustainability could be
achieved,inthissense,throughtheapplicationofurbanplanningandmanagementmeasuresthat
couldimprovethelivingconditionsofthelocalpopulation,suchastheirneedforhousingandbusiness
profitability,andcontributetoimprovethequalityofthetouristexperience.
Ten years after the explosion of the real estate bubble (2008) that caused the current crisis,
someSpanishcitiesareexperiencingariseinhousingrentalprices. Thisriseinpricesrespondsto
economic cycles, as has been discussed by other authors [2]. The moments of cyclical acceleration
that inflate bubbles are similar not only from the financial point of view, but also in terms of social
consequencesofthesegregationofthepopulationwithlowincomelevels.Thisiswhyweusetheterm
bubblefortheriseinhousingrentalprices. Weusethetermbubblefortherisingpricesofhousing
rental, not only from the point of view of a feasible speculative processes when trade in an asset at
apriceorpricerangestronglyexceedstheasset’sintrinsicvaluethataretypicaloffinancecapitalism;
butwealsowidenthesenseofbubbletothesocialstruggleassociatedwiththeincarcerationofhousing
rents. Theaimofthispaperistocomplementthedefinitionofthehousingrentalbubblebyoffering
the case study of Barcelona to illustrate explanatory factors for this feasible rental housing bubble.
Thecurrenteconomicmodelviewshousingandpublicspaceasabusinessandnotasafundamental
rightofpeople.Thesemercantiledynamicsprioritizetheaccumulationofcapitalforbusinessprofitover
thewelfareofthepopulation. Housingbusinessthustransformsneighborhoodsinto“windowdisplays”
tosatisfytheneedsoftouristsandfeedeconomicappetites.Thehousingrentalprices’riseaccentuates
thesegregationbetweenneighborhoods,alterstheiroriginalidentity,deterioratestheirsocialcohesion
andcommodifiespublicspaces. Theseprocessesplaceatriskneighborhoodsocialstructuresthatare
newtouristattractionsthemedaround“everydayurbanlife”.
The liberalization of trade and the movement of capital feed the restructuring of tourism as
differentplacescompetetoattractinvestment. NewYorkinitiatedpoliciesofurbanentrepreneurship
asearlyasthe1980s,publicizingitscitybrand(ILoveNY)andpromotingitsattractiontofinancial,
insuranceandrealestateinterests(commonlyknownbytheiracronymFIRE).Followingthesame
model,otherterritories,andparticularlycities,seektocreatetheirbrandimageandidentityinthis
struggletoofferprofitabilitytocapitalinvestmentandprovideuniquetouristconsumerproducts[9].
Planningismademoreflexiblesothatitcanadapttotherequirementsofneoliberalre-regulation.
Thisisbecausecapitalrequiresadvantagesthatcanonlybeachievedthroughthelegitimacyofplanning
inordertoimposemarketdisciplinethroughthepowerofthestate[10]. Thisurbanentrepreneurism
helpstobetterunderstandthetransformationofthecityfortourism,whichisclearlydemonstratedby
thecommodificationofpublicspaces[11]and,aboveall,housing[12]. Thehegemonyoftheproperty
market,whichhaslongbeensuccessfulatattractingcapitalandtourists,leadstosignificantimbalances
inincome,dispossessionanddisplacementofthelow-incomepopulation. Substitutingcertainsocial
classesforthosewithhigherpurchasingpowerleadstogentrificationprocesses[13]. Theso-called
“touristbubble”isfedbythecrisisoccurringamongtheperipheralstatesoftheEuropeanUnion,with
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aparticularimpactonSpain[2]. Inthiscontext,the“rentbubble”isexpandingandaffectinglarge
EuropeanandAmericancities[14]. InSpain,thisphenomenonhasbeenexacerbatedbystructural
aspectsofthepropertymarketandtheleaseofhousing,mainlyurban,aswewillseebelow.
Theintensificationofthetourismfunctionofcities,withinthecontextoftheirentrepreneurial
management and place marketing [15], is being linked to increasing housing rental prices [16,17].
Thisprocessdealswiththegentrificationofthecity[18],motivatingsocialmovementsclaimingrights
tothecity[19]. Thecriminalizationoftourismisassociatedwithsocialreactionstoovertourismwith
antitourism[20]thatarerootedintheclassstrugglewithinthecrisis[3]. Touristhousingrentalhas
already been associated with the deterioration of labor conditions [21], decreasing profitability of
thehotelindustry[22],financeandrealestatespeculation[23]andtotheconsequencesofneoliberal
urbanpolicies[15]. Thecontributionofthisstudyaimstodemonstratethatthereareotherfactors,
in addition to tourism, that favor the rising prices of rental housing, explain social movements’
reactionsandtheattemptstoapplypalliativemeasuresbythelocalpublicadministration.
Within this context, our main research questions aim to fill the gaps in available academic
knowledge. First,istourismtheonlyfactorresponsibleforthishousingpricesincrease? Second,isit
possibletodeveloplocaladministrationpoliciestopalliatethisconflict? Theaimsofourpaperinorder
toanswerthesequestionsare: first,toofferanoverviewofhousingrentalmarketevolutioninSpain;
second,analyzingtheexplanatoryfactorsoftherentalhousingpricesincreases,inordertosupportthe
proposaloftheexistenceofapriceriseandhowtheincreasingtouristfunctionofthecitiescontributes
tothisprocess;third,toillustratetheexplanatoryfactorsofthisprocesswiththecaseofBarcelona;
fourth,todescribesocialmovements’reactionstoovertourism;andfifth,todescribethelocalpolicies
ofurbanandtourismplanningdevelopedbyBarcelona’sgovernment.
2. Methodology
Amixedmethodology(quantitativeandqualitative)wasused.Atthequalitativelevel,adetailed
analysis of the secondary sources was carried out with a focus on extant studies conducted by
differentstakeholders: publicadministrations,privaterealestateagentsandsocialentitiesinvolved
in the phenomenon. Also at a qualitative level, in-depth interviews were conducted with different
stakeholdersandqualifiedinformants(residents,businessowners,andadministration)andparticipant
observation was utilized in sector associations to meet objectives 4 and 5. Among them are those
responsibleforcarryingouttheadministrativepoliciesinBarcelona(DirectoroftheStrategicPlanfor
Tourism), activists in residents’ associations such as the ABTS (Spanish acronym for the Assembly
of Neighborhoods for Sustainable Tourism) and residents of the neighborhoods most affected by
thephenomenon.
Atthequantitativelevel,thesecondarysourcesused—mainlyaimedtofulfiltheobjectivenumber
one—wereprimarilyofficialstatisticscompiledbypublicadministrations(BarcelonaCityCouncil,
Generalitat de Catalunya, Incasol, the Housing Board, INE, Idescat, and others), as well as those
offeredbyprivateentitiesinthesector(Idealista,forexample). Inaddition,twoopinionpollsatstreet
levelwereconducted,oneaimedatresidentsofareasthatinrecentyearshavebeenmostaffected
bythetouristphenomenoninBarcelona(35questionnairestoresidentsoftheCiutatVelladistrict)
andthesecondto30touristsinthecity’sdowntownneighborhoods(LaBarceloneta,ElRavaland
theGothicQuarter). Thequestionnairesandin-depthinterviewsareonfileattheTUDISTARresearch
groupheadquarters,attheUniversitatAutònomadeBarcelona. Theycanbeconsultedbycontacting
us([email protected]). Thetriangulationofthevarioussourcesandinformationhasallowedaglobal
analysisofthephenomenon.
Inthiscontextandaimingtofulfilobjectivesnumbertwo,threeandfive,firstthisarticlecarries
outareviewofthestateofthematter,throughareviewofacademicandgreyliterature,andpresents
aconcisetheoreticalframeworkoftheseprocesses,asexemplifiedinthecityofBarcelona. Inessence,
thedevelopmentofregulationsintheneoliberaltouristcityisshownfirst. Second,thefactorsfueling
thehousing“rentbubble”areexplainedinawaythatattemptstogobeyondtheimpactthatplatforms
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like Airbnb, Homeaway, Niumba, and Wimdu have on the prices of rental housing in touristified
cities,whichseveralstudieshavealreadyshown[16,18,24]. Third,wecharacterizetheconflictsand
citizenresistanceinthefaceoftouristification. Finally,weanalyzesomeofthepublicplanningand
managementpoliciesdevelopedbytouristcitiesaimingtoalleviatetheseconflicts.
3. The‘RentBubble’inSpain
Beginninginthetwentiethcentury’sdecadeofthesixties,SpainbecameoneoftheEuropean
Unioncountrieswithahighlevelofhomeownership. Theacquisitionofhousingfavorsanincreasein
thenominalvaluesofdomesticwealth,whichexertsa“wealtheffect”thatstimulatesconsumptionand
debt[25]. Thisdistinctivefeatureisareactionmainlytotheshortageofrentalhomestoaccommodate
migrantworkerswhosettledinthelargeindustrializedcities[26]. Thus,Spain’s78.2%ownershiprate
presentlymakesitoneoftheEuropeanUnioncountrieswiththehighestpercentage(theEUaverageis
69.5%,accordingtoEurostatdata2017)[27]followingRomania,Croatia,Lithuania,andothers.
ThecultureofhomeownershipinSpainandtheprejudicesoftheSpanishpopulationagainst
rentinghavechangedfollowingthecrisis,duetotheseriousproblemsofforeclosuresresultingfrom
non-paymentofdebtsandthedifficultiesinaccessingnewmortgages. Rentalhousingisemergingas
areasonableoptioninthefaceofpurchasingdifficulties,andincreasinghousingrentalsintheBarcelona
municipalityprovideaperfectdemonstrationofthis“rentbubble”phenomenon.
ObtainingdataandanalyzingtheevolutionofrentalincomeinSpainisanarduoustaskbecause
officialstatisticsarelacking.ThelatestdatafromtheContinuousHouseholdSurveyofINE(theonlyone
currentlyinexistence)showthattherentalpopulationin2017represents22.7%ofSpanishhouseholds
comparedto7%10yearsbefore;although,thisisstillfarfromfiguressuchasthoseofGermany,48.3%,
or the United Kingdom, 36.6% [27,28]. The increase in the population’s demand for rental housing
andthebuying-upofhomesfortouristuseimplythatwearebeginningtoseeanew“rentbubble”.
ThisprocesshasrankedBarcelonaasoneoftheEuropeanUnioncitieswiththelowestavailablehousing
stock. Addedtothisscarcityistheincreaseinrentalpricesthatthecitysufferedin2017comparedto
2016,mainlyinAutonomousCommunitiessuchasCatalonia(17.2%),Canarias(11.6%)andMadrid
(11.4%).Insomecases,itexceededthesefigures,suchasintheBalearicIslands(witha1.4%year-on-year
growthrate)orCatalonia(1.3%),representingthemaximumsoftheyearswiththegreatesteffervescence
intherealestatesector[28].
InBarcelona,residentialrentalhasincreasedinrecentyearsandcurrentlyaccountsfor30%of
existinghousing. Thischangeintrendhasledtoa23%increaseinrentalincomebetween2013and
2016[29]. Therewasanincreaseof10.12%persquaremeterin2016[30]beforeitstabilizedinthelast
quarterof2017.
Accordingtorealestatestudies(Idealista,amongothers),availablerentsinBarcelonathatare
below €600/month now represent less than 1% of the total, and only 5% are below €800/month
(Figure 1). Mean inflation in this period (2000–2017) has been 2.2%, accordingly this factor has
not a relevant influence in the housing rental prices. In terms of housing rental prices, these data
place Barcelona higher than Madrid, Prague, Munich and Berlin [31]. Given these figures, it is
necessary to consider the differential cost of living and purchasing power between the different
aforementionedcities.
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Figure1. EvolutionoftheaveragepriceofrentalhousinginBarcelona(inrealeurospermonth).
Source:Preparedbytheauthors,basedondatafromtheGeneralitatdeCatalunya(2017)[32].
This price escalation began in early 2015 and is intensifying the process of gentrification that
the whole city of Barcelona has been experiencing since 2005 [18,33]. The increase in rental prices
means that at present the percentage of income that the population dedicates to housing in many
casesreachesunsustainablelevelsforthehouseholdeconomy. Itisestimatedthat4outof10tenants
spendmorethan40%oftheirrentonhousing[34]. Thismeansthat43.3%oftheSpanishpopulation
residingunderaleaseis“financiallyoverexposed”totheexpensesderivedfromhousing,mainlyin
CommunitiessuchastheBalearicIslands,CataloniaandMadrid,whicharethosethatthathavebeen
mostaffectedbytheurbantourismphenomenon[28].
Public housing policies differ according to the political color of the different territories.
Somemunicipalcouncils,suchasBarcelona,proposemeasuresforcontrolling,limitingandimposing
possible sanctions for abuses in rental prices. On the other hand, the Government of Catalonia
hasformulatedtheso-calledrentalpriceindex,whichispromotedbyBarcelonaasaninformation
and control provision for measuring the disproportionate growth of rents and the lack of market
transparency[35].Ontheotherhand,thecentralgovernmentpromotestheliberalizationofthehousing
rentalmarketthroughthenewLaw4/2013onFlexibilityMeasuresandPromotionoftheHousing
Rental Market, which is a modification of Law 29/1994 on Urban Leases. To compensate for its
rent-increasingeffects,itproposesincludingmeasuresintheStatePlan2018–2021that,specifically,
will increase the supply of real estate available for rent and provide incentives for tenants and
vulnerablegroupssuchasyoungpeopleandtheelderly.
However,theemergenceof“therealestaterentpricerise”isnotonlyduetoanactualincreasein
thevalueofrealestate,nortotheincreaseindemandarisingfromchangesinthehabitsofitspopulation
or the current scarce supply. To the factors we must add: the almost null presence of public rental
housing; theincreaseinthefloatingpopulationtemporarilyresidingincitiessuchasBarcelonaand
Madrid;thepressureonhousingpurchasesfromforeigninvestmentcapitalthathasclearandselective
speculativeintentions;andstakeholdersofpropertiesinSpanishlocalitieswhohaveeitheradirector
indirectinterestintourismandtherecentincreaseinthesupplyofhousingusedfortourism(HUT).
If we focus on cities such as Barcelona, one third of current home purchases (more than
100propertiesasofDecember2017)arefinancedbyinvestmentfunds,whoseobjectiveistomaximize
profits [29]. The central government has attracted these large companies in the form of SOCIMIS
(SociedadesCotizadasAnónimasdelMercadoInmobiliario,theSpanishformofaRealEstateInvestment
Trust),whichrelyongreattaxadvantages.Inthisway,Barcelonahasrankedfourth(behindNewYork,
BerlinandLondon)asacityofglobalinterestforinvestorsinFrench,IsraeliandChineseSOCIMIS,
mainlyinthedowntownneighborhoodsofthecity,wheretheinvestmentsareinwholebuildingsfor
touristrental.SomeexamplesofSOCIMISare:NorvetNegotial,MerlinProperties,SocinvestAmistad
S.L.,P4ABarcelonaS.L.,AubertAubertAssociés,DSRARealestateInvestments,GallaInv,CityEspresso
BarBCN,RSGBatomeuSisandJilongSLU.
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ThelargestincreaseinBarcelonarentalpricesoccurredin2013,whentherecoverybeganafter
the 2008 crisis, and the increases in prices exceeded 25% on average until they stabilized in 2017.
ThisincreaseexplainstheexpulsionofBarcelonaresidents,whohavehadtomovetomunicipalities
inwhatisknownlocallyasthe“secondmetropolitancrown”(anareacomprising129municipalities
surroundingagroupofnearbycites). Thisoccurredfrom2013onward,afterthelegalmodification
forcedthemtorenewtheirleasesatahigherpriceattheendofathree-yearcontractperiod.
TheeconomiccriseshavehadacyclicalimpactonhousingpricesinBarcelona.Theyoccurredat
theendofthe70s,withthecrisisoftheFordistregulatoryregime;again,inthemid-1990sasaresult
of the obvious speculation taking place in relation to the 1992 Olympics; and more recently in 2007
withthegentrificationprocesses[36]thatareexpellingthedisadvantagedclassesfromthedowntown
neighborhoodsduetoincreasesinrentalprices.
Themixed-capitalcompaniesdedicatedtourbandevelopment[37]arepublic-privatepartnerships
thathaveonceagainproposedstrategiestorecreateurbanrent-seeking. Thus,publiccapitalisusedto
remodelthecitywhilefavoringtheprofitabilityofprivatecapitalinvestments[38]. Intheseprocesses,
theresidentpopulationisdisplacedbyinhabitantswhohavegreaterpurchasingpower. Thisdynamic
isaccentuatedthroughfunctionalizationfortourism,whichprovokesthesubstitutionofresidents
withanewfloatingpopulation. Thisdoublegentrificationhasalsobeencalled“gentrification2.0”[39].
Alongwiththisarrivesa“non-community”oftemporarytravelerswhoneitherworknorparticipatein
neighborhooddailylife[40].Theconsumerhabitsofthesenewoccupantshaveadistincttouristprofile.
Thisdemand“turistifies”theneighborhoodandchangesthecommerciallandscape,whichtakeson
thefunctionofactingasa“showcasefortourists”whilesettingasidetheneedsofpermanentresidents.
In the case of Barcelona, this gentrification dynamic is reinforced by the emergence of
“Airbnbification”, which adds pressure by means of a new concept of rental housing that is mostly
temporary and aimed at tourists. This boom in the rental of temporary housing in coastal tourist
areasandinemblematiccitiessuchasBarcelonaisfueledbyyoungpeoplewithadigitalprofileand
whoareaccustomedtolow-costtravelandtoseekingaccommodationopportunitiesoutsidetheusual
hotelchannels[16–18,22]. Atthesametime,theinhabitantsoftheneighborhoodstakeadvantageof
theopportunitiestoputtheirhomeorsimplyaroomonthemarketfortemporaryrental. Thisform
ofrentingtotouristshastheobjectiveofgainingincometocomplementthehighrentsormortgage
payments, or simply to increase the profitability of one’s home. The result is a high demand for
rentalhousingthatisbeingpromotedbytheAirbnbstyleofaccommodation. Thechronicnatureof
thephenomenonisfavoredbythelimitedroleofpublicadministrationsinthefaceoftherealestate
market’sspeculativedrive.
The resident population has organized itself into social movements to demand that the local
administration regulate and control the legalization of tourist rental housing while also curbing
the aggressive policies of real estate speculation. Other Spanish cities have experienced the same
phenomenon;forexampleBilbao,whichstandsoutontouristmapsbecauseoftheGuggenheimMuseum
megaproject; PalmadeMallorca,whoseforeignpopulationhasincreasedcontinuouslyincomparison
totheresidentpopulation;Valencia,whichheavilypromotesitssportsmega-events;andSantaCruzde
Tenerife, with its tropical paradise of sun and beach throughout the year. The process is, therefore,
widespread among Spanish cities that specialize in tourism. The pressure and demand for tourist
accommodationhaveraisedrentalpricesandputastrainontheeconomicpowerofresidents,althoughlocal
reactionssufferadivisionofopinion.Ontheonehand,touristsgeneratebenefitsandboosttheeconomyof
thecity,whileontheothertheycauseseriousproblemsbyincreasingthepriceofhousingforresidents.
4. SocialMovements,theAssemblyofNeighborhoodsforSustainableTourism(ABTS)
Henri Lefebvre [41] anticipated that resistance to urban mutations would arise through
theexpressionofcollectivepoweragainstprivatizationandcommodificationincapitalistsocieties.
Theprincipaldemandisdemocraticmanagementofthecitygovernment,ofproduction,andtheuse
of surplus value, to create social cohesion and live together with dignity [42]. Resistance to
Sustainability2018,10,2043 7of18
theappropriationofcommongoodsexpressesitselfthroughmobilizationagainstthehegemonyof
themarketandcapital[43–45].Theresidentsocietyintheaffectedcitieshasreactedsincethebeginning
ofthecrisisbydemandingsolutionstotheproblemofevictions,theneedfordecenthousing,andmore
affordable,fairrentals.InthecaseofBarcelona,anassociationhasbeencreated(theSindicatdeLlogaters,
i.e., the Tenants’ Union) with the aim of presenting itself as a representative to the administration
and demanding measures to alleviate the problems generated by tourist pressure. Because of these
mobilizations,theproblematicnatureofofferingtouristaccommodationhasenteredthepoliticalagenda
andpublicdebateincitieslikeMadrid,Palma,ValenciaandBarcelona.
InSpain,theresidentialuseofhousingisunderpressureandhasbeendisplacedbytheentrenched
formula of investment in housing as a means of speculation, a situation in which residences are
currentlybeingcommercializedastouristaccommodation. Withthecrisisandtheglobalizationof
therealestatemarket,theappropriationoftheincomeobtainedfromhousinghasbeentransferredto
financialinstitutions. Inthiscontext,smallownersarealsoattractedbythegreaterbenefitsimpliedby
theenhancedvalueofaddingtheirrealestatetothetouristrentalmarketascompensatoryincomein
thefaceofthecrisis[46].
The rental of homes for tourist use is considered good business that generates capital
gains and attracts investors and speculators, in some cases accumulating properties and creating
“pseudo-companies”fortouristrentalthatevadetaxoversight. Forthemostpart,thesebusinesses
areofanillegalnatureandhiddenbehindsupposedlynon-profitexchangesandmarketedthrough
home-sharingplatformsthatbenefitfromthesebusinessesbutdonottakechargeofverifyingtheir
legality. Thiswouldbethecaseofthewell-knownHomeawayandAirbnb,ofwhichthelatterlists
morethan3millionhomesspreadover191countries[47].
SpanishregulationshavebeenrelaxedtoderegulatethetouristrentalofhomesinSpain.Therehas
beenasocialreactionfromresidentsofcitiesthatareintheprocessoftouristification,suchasBarcelona,
Palma (Mallorca) and Madrid; specifically, they are manifesting social resistance to the marketing
modelsoftheseplatformsaswellastothedevelopmentpoliciesoftheircitiesandthetourismsector.
Thedailylifeofthelocalpopulationhasbeenespeciallyaffectedbytheincreaseinhousingpricesin
theirneighborhoodsalongwiththeproliferationoftouristhousing. Theincreaseintouristpressure
displaceslocalresidents,promoteschangesinlocalbusinessesanddailypublicspace,andcreatesor
evencolonizesoutdoorcafésandpublicthoroughfaresthatbecomespacesfortouristuse[43].
According to data from the Census of Tourist Accommodation Establishments in Barcelona,
in April 2017 there were 10,544 establishments registered with a municipal file number,
offering149,058placesofaccommodation,ofwhich58,951correspondedtoHUTswithalicense[48].
Thisismuchlowerthantheactualfigure, ifthecurrentnon-legalizedrentalsaretakenintoaccount.
Thus,accordingtoInsideAirbnbdata, theplatformoffers17,369touristhomes. Ofthese, 49.6%are
rooms rented within an inhabited dwelling (in what could be considered a collaborative economy),
buttheremaining50.4%arefullyrenteddwellingsfortouristuse[49](Figure2).
Sustainability2018,10,2043 8of18
Figure2.AirbnbsupplyoftouristrentalaccommodationinBarcelona.Source:InsideAirbnb(12/2016)[50].
By2015,thissituationledtoreactionsbycitizensincertainneighborhoodsofthecitycenter,suchas
Barceloneta, which has been especially affected by gentrification processes, real estate speculation,
rentincreasesandanintensificationofevictionpracticesforresidents. Thissocialresistancehasbeen
increasing over recent years and in November 2015 resulted in the creation of the Neighborhood
AssemblyforSustainableTourism(ABTS,byitsSpanishacronym),promotedbycitizensandaimed
atdemandingadecreaseintourism,redistributingthebenefitsgeneratedbythesector(14%ofGDP
accordingtoTurismedeBarcelona)andpromotingeconomicalternatives.TheappearanceoftheABTS
wasdefinedas“... thepeople’scounterweighttohelpcombatBarcelona’shotellobby”[51].Thecitizens
soughttorethinktheneoliberaltourismmodelofthecity,todelveintothemoratoriumonhotelsthatwas
inforce,toauditthepublic-privatebodiesrelatedtotourism,andtoshieldpublicspacefromthecity’s
touristificationprocess.Withthesesameobjectives,theFirstNeighborhoodForumonTourismwasheld
inJuly2016. Itsmottowas“Laciutatesperviure-hi,noperviure’n”(“thecityisforlivingin,notfor
livingoffof”),andthedebatewasraisedonthreeaxesofspecialconcerninthecity:theeconomicmodel
oftourism,themanagementofportsandcruises,andalternativeusesforhousingandpublicspaces[52].
TheresultsofthesurveyscarriedoutbytheBarcelonaCityCouncilonasampleofthepopulation
residinginBarcelonashowthat86.7%ofrespondentsconsidertourismtobebeneficial,reaching92.9%
inthelesstouristicdistricts. Inparallel,62%oftheresidentsconsultedforthepresentworkconsider
thatthetourismsectorisimportantfortheeconomyofthecity,and38%consideritimportantfor
culturalaspectsthatenrichcitylife. However,inparallel,48.9%ofrespondentsperceivethecityas
havingreacheditscapacitylimitforaccommodatingmoretourists,and64.6%believethat“thecurrent
volumeoftouristsreceivedbythecityissufficient”[53]. Accordingtothedatacollectedinouropinion
pool,54%affirmthatthecurrentnatureoftourisminthecityischaracterizedbyuncivilbehaviorand62%
saythatthetouristactivityisnotsustainable.Inspiteofeverything,85%oftheresidentsintheaffected
areasbelievethatitispossibletofindalternativestoimprovethecurrentsituation. Ofthesolutions
proposed,27%areforreducingtouristhousing,46%forimprovingtheCityofBarcelona’sorganization
andplanningofthesector,and27%forgainingthecooperationoftouristsandchangingtheirconsumer
habitsinthecity.
Thisperceptionaimsforachangeofviewpointregardingtheunconditionalbenefitsoftourismin
earlierphases. TheinterventionsoftheABTSandthevarioussocialplatformshavefocusedonreports
ofillegalactivitiesrelatedtothetourismsector. Theyhaveparticipatedinthegovernanceprocess
thattheCityCouncillaunchedforthedevelopmentoftheStrategicTourism2020Plan,whichfavors
adecreaseintourismandreducingovercrowdingofthecity.
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5. PublicHousingandTourismPolicies: TheSpecialUrbanPlanforTouristAccommodation
(PEUAT)inBarcelona
The international expansion of tourist housing accommodation and its contribution to
the“rentpricerise”havealreadyledtosomecasesofmunicipalregulation, amongothermeasures
suchashousingvouchersandthepublicofferofhousing[54].Since2015,somemunicipalcouncilsin
largecitieshavebeguntousespecificregulationsforregulatingeconomicactivitythatallowssharing
ahomewithtravelers.ThisisthecaseinseveralEuropeancitiessuchasAmsterdam(thefirsttoreachan
agreementwithAirbnb),Paris,London,andMilan;inCanadiancitieslikeTorontoandVancouver;andin
theUnitedStates,specificallyNewYorkandSanFrancisco,thebirthplaceofAirbnb[55].Themeasures
takenbylocalgovernmentsarediverse:theylimitthetimefortouristrental,collectthetouristtaxdirectly,
orlimitthebuying-upoftouristrentalhomeswithprogramslike“onehost,onehome”inSanFrancisco
andNewYork.InthecaseofBerlin,thedecisionwasdrasticandthelocalgovernmentdecidedtoban
touristaccommodationwiththesupportofacourtruling[56].
Morerecently,theCityofTorontohastoughenedlegislationagainstshort-stayleasesfollowing
the appearance of so-called “ghost hotels”, which have been denounced by the association called
Fairbnb with the support of affected neighborhood communities. These establishments appeared
in 2016, when investors began to buy up homes, took them off the residential market and turned
themintohotelsontheblackmarket,whicharecalled“graymarkethotels”andareofferedthrough
platformssuchasAirbnb.
Other examples of regulations promote the collaborative rental economy through sharing
residences. Forexample,thelocalgovernmentofVancouverprotectsaffordablehousing. Itsnewrules,
whichcameintoforcein2018,entail:
• Rulestoallowshort-termsharingoflegalandregisteredhousesonlyinhomesthatareactually
theprimaryresidenceofthelandlord.
• Thelawwillrequirethatthosesharingthehomedemonstratethatthisistheirprimaryresidence.
• The opening up of Airbnb data and other platforms to the City Council in order to reinforce
additionallawsandgrantaccesslicensestoothershort-stayrentalplatforms.
• Protectionandotherelementstopreventownersfromconvertingsecondsubsidizedresidences
intounitsfor“ghosthotels”[57].
In Spain, measures have also been taken to alleviate the effects of relaxing laws on tourist
accommodationrental.TheMinistryofFinancehaslegislatedthe“obligationtoreportgrantingtheuseof
ahomefortourismpurposes”(RoyalDecree1070/2017). AsofJuly2018,theSpanishTaxAgencywill
activatethisnewmeasureforcontrollingeconomicactivityandthetaxobligationsofintermediaryplatforms,
whicharemisnamedascollaborative,demandingthattouristrentalhousingplatforms(Airbnb,HomeAway,
Niumba,Wimdu,etc.)reportinformationontheirclientswhoadvertisetouristrentals[58].
ThemodificationofLaw29/1994onUrbanLeasesdelegatestheauthorityofregulatingtourist
accommodation in homes to the Autonomous Communities. Consequently, each Autonomous
Parliamenthaslegislatedinawaythateitherembracesorrejectsthisbusiness.IntheBalearicIslands,
thelegislationincludesaneloquentyetrestrictivedefinitionthatrunscountertotheprimarymodelof
thisbusiness:itisexclusivetonaturalpersonswhoareownersofahomethatistheirprimarydwelling
andmayberentedtotouristsforamaximumperiodof60daysperyear.InCatalonia,thelawsontourist
rentalhousingwerealreadyrelaxedpriortothemodificationofthestatelawthroughDecree159/2012
ontouristaccommodationestablishmentsandhousingfortouristuse.Inthiscontext,theBarcelonaCity
Councilhasenactedregulationthroughinstrumentsforurbanandtourismplanningaswellasbyusing
somemunicipalsocialhousinginitiatives.
Inthislastsense,theCityofBarcelonadevotedagreatdealofeffortthroughout2017topurchasing
complete buildings to avoid residential evictions and real estate speculation by investment funds.
Untiltheendof2017,theCityCouncilchairedbyMayorAdaColau(BarcelonaenComú)hascommitted,
onanexceptionalbasis,totheacquisitionofmorethan5buildingsinordertodealwiththespeculation
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oftheaforementionedinvestmentfundsandavoidtheexpulsionofthetenants[59].Ontheotherhand,
BarcelonaCityCouncilhascarriedoutacensusofthecity’semptyflats.Thiscountshowsthat4%ofall
homesinthecityareindisuse.TheobjectiveofBarcelonaCityCouncilistocontacttheownersandoffer
themthepossibilityofincorporatingtheirhomesintothecity’srentalmarketbygrantingguaranteeson
rentpayment,facilitiesandbenefitsforrenovatingthedwellings[60].
Thepreviousgovernmenthadalreadylaunchedin2010aStrategicTourismPlanforthecityuntil
2015,inresponsetothesocialreactionagainstthepressuregeneratedbytourismactivities.Asof2013,
districttourismplanswereincludedinordertopursueaterritorialdecentralizationoftourismactivity.
However,theinternaldynamicsofthesectoranditsrelationshipswiththecitizensdidnotimprove.Itis
estimatedthattodatetheCityCouncilhasgranted9606licensesfortouristflatsthroughoutthecity[61].
In2015,beforefinalizingtheStrategicPlan,itwasnecessarytopromoteaparticipatoryprocessasa
governmentalmeasureinthecity’stourismmodel.Atthattime,thesocialresistancewasunsustainable
andanevaluationoftheActionProgramoftheStrategicPlan2010–2015foundthatthemajorityhad
failed to fulfill the agreed measures. In general, 50% of development was not achieved in any of
theproposedprograms(15intotal),withgovernancehavingthelowestdegreeofdevelopmentat
below25%. Theplanservedtoconfirmthegreatchallengeoffittingtourismintourbanareassuch
asBarcelonaandtheneedfortransversalmeasureswithprogramsandactionsinkeyareassuchas
neighborhoodsanddistricts,sustainabilityandgoverningtourism. Althoughtourisminthatperiod
becameoneofthe“star”topicsinthemediaandaconcernofthelocalpopulation,theStrategicPlan
itselfhadneithervisibilitynorpresenceinthemedia,andnorwasthereanyconsiderationoftheir
proposalsbythesocialagentsinvolved.
Themeasurethathadthewidestimpactwasthe“moratorium”onlicensesfortouristapartments,
whichwasimposedinOctober2014. Thismoratoriumwasextendedin2015bythenewmunicipal
groupBarcelonainComú,whichparalyzedthegrantingoflicensesasapreliminarystepindrawingup
aspecialregulationplanfortouristaccommodations.Althoughitcouldinitiallyseemtobearestrictive
measure,ithadthesupportofthehotelbusinesssector,whosawinitadvantagesintermsofexclusivity
andmonopoly—whichappealedtothem,giventhesector’sextremesituationinthecity.However,when
inJuly2016itsvaliditywasextendeduntilthedefinitiveimplementationofthespecialregulationplan,
the hotel business sector saw the measure as a threat to its possibilities for growth and speculation
inthetourismrealestatesector. Inthissense,itwasmadeevidentthateffortstocontrolgrowthand
downturns[62]arenotfreeofcontradictions.Thiscouldfavorgentrification,themonopolyofrentsby
bothpropertyownersandestablishmentoperators,andthecompetitivenessofthedestination[7,38,46].
InJanuary2017,thefirstSpecialUrbanPlanforTouristAccommodation(PEUATbyitsSpanish
acronym)[63],wasapprovedwiththeaimofmakingtouristaccommodationinthecitycompatible
withasustainableurbanmodelbasedonguaranteeingfundamentalrightsandimprovingthequality
of life for neighbours [64]. As it came into effect, the existing moratorium ended. The PEUAT
is pioneering in its scope, as it regulates the urban planning and management criteria for tourist
accommodationinthecityofBarcelonawithintheframeworkoftheUrbanPlanningLawofCatalonia
(Legislative Decree 1/2010). This legislation regulates the introduction of tourist accommodation
establishments,includingyouthhostels,collectiveresidenceswithtemporaryaccommodationandHUTs.
TheHUTsarethemostcontroversialaspect,aszerogrowthhasbeenestablishedforthemthroughout
thecity,althoughthisremainsafarcryfromthedecreasethathasbeendemandedbysocialmovements.
According to the Ecology, Urban Planning and Mobility Area for the Barcelona City Council,
thepurposeofthePEUATistoimprovethequalityoflifeforcitizensinthefollowingways:
1. Alleviatingtouristpressureindifferentareasofthecity.
2. Responding to public concerns regarding the growth of tourism, particularly the increase in
touristaccommodation.
3. Seeking urban balance, preserving the quality of public spaces, and diversification to make
tourismsustainablewithothereconomicactivitiesinthecity.