The historical geography of north-central Anatolia in the Hittite period: texts and archaeology in concert

22 Pages·2016·0.77 MB·English

by  Matthews R.

Anatolian Studies59 (2009): 51−72
The historical geography of north-central Anatolia
in the Hittite period:
texts and archaeology in concert
Roger Matthews and Claudia Glatz
Institute of Archaeology, University College London
Abstract
In this paper we deploy both archaeological evidence, principally from survey, as well as topographic textual evidence
in an integrated attempt to localise a broad range of place-names attested in the Hittite period of the Late Bronze Age.
The geographical focus is on the north-central region of Anatolia, particularly relating to the survey area of Inner
Paphlagonia. Investigated toponyms include rivers, mountains, regions and settlement names. By these means we aim
to situate the recurrent Hittite-Kaska conflict of the Late Bronze Age more firmly within its physical environment.
Özet
Bu çalışmada hem yüzey araştırması sırasında bulunmuş olan arkeolojik bulgular, hem de topografik bilgiler içeren
yazılı kaynaklara ait bilgiler, Geç Bronz Çağ Hitit dönemine ait kesin açıklanmış yer isimlerinin yerlerini bulma
çabalarıyla birleştirerek anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Coğrafi olarak kuzey Anadolu bölgesinin orta kısımları, özellikle de
İç Paflagonya araştırma bölgesi üzerinde yoğunlaşılmıştır. Araştırılan yer adları nehirleri, dağları, bölgeleri ve
yerleşimleri içermektedir. Amacımız bu şekilde Geç Bronz Çağ’da tekrar tekrar meydana gelen Hitit-Kaska anlaşma-
zlığını fiziksel çerçevesi içine oturtarak daha iyi anlamaya çalışmaktır.
The field of Hittite geography has seen considerable recently not in receipt of detailed archaeological investi-
advances in recent years, with especially marked gation. In particular, we employ here the results of
clarification of western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age, archaeological survey in the modern provinces of Çankırı
to the extent that it can be stated: ‘The time has surely and Karabük, Inner Paphlagonia in Roman times (Talbert
come to recognize that the historical geography of 2000: map 86), in order to approach the question of
western Anatolia is now established in broad outline very Hittite historical geography. The current article is
much as Garstang and Gurney drew it some forty years designed as one element in a tripartite publication of the
ago’ (Hawkins 1998: 31). Aregion that has received less Project Paphlagonia Late Bronze Age survey results. A
attention recently, from the point of view of historical full publication of the survey results appeared in 2009 in
geography, is the Hittites’ northwest frontier, a highly the project’s final monograph (Matthews, Glatz 2009)
contested zone where the Hittites frequently encountered and an anthropological study of Hittite-Kaska relations
their bitterest enemies, the Kaska (von Schuler 1965; was published in 2005 (Glatz, Matthews 2005).
Freu 2005; Glatz, Matthews 2005; Zimansky 2007). The
purpose of the current article is to review the historical Previous essays at the question
geography of this region in the light of earlier attempts Past decades have seen several attempts to make sense of
towards this end, as well as, more especially, in the light the historical geography of this region in the Hittite
of evidence from recent archaeological explorations. In period, or Late Bronze Age, ca 1650−1180 BC. As with
geographical terms the area under consideration is that studies of other regions of the Hittite Empire, the method
which lies between the Hittite heartland in central employed has been to examine surviving texts, principally
Anatolia and the southwest shores of the Black Sea, from Hattusa and more recently also from Maşat-Tapikka
comprising an often mountainous and forested zone till and Ortaköy-Sapinuwa, combined with some consider-
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ation of the archaeological evidence, where available, in the Devrez Çay, with the net effect of localising much of
order to suggest plausible locations for toponyms attested the military action both closer to Hattusa and over a more
in the Hittite texts. A bold synthesis by Garstang and restricted region, as the texts arguably appear to suggest.
Gurney (1959) of the entire field of Hittite geography up Forlanini’s maps of 1977 and 1986 illustrate the
to that time made the fundamental, if understandable, coherence of these interpretations and make a convincing
error of locating toponyms such as Pala, Tumanna and the picture, so that ‘the general relationships of places there
Dahara river well to the southeast of Hattusa in the region seem now to be established beyond reasonable doubt’
of Sivas, an interpretation ‘effectively demolished’ (Gurney 1992: 215).
directly upon publication (Gurney 1992: 213). In his At the same time, Yakar (1980) and Yakar and Dinçol
review of this book, Goetze demonstrated that these and (1974) began to construct an interpretation of the central
other toponyms were to be located to the northwest of Black Sea region in the Hittite period, innovatively
Hattusa (Goetze 1960: 46), a revision accepted by deploying both textual and archaeological evidence,
Güterbock (1961) in his article on the north-central area complemented by studies with a specific focus on the
of Hittite Anatolia. Furthermore, Güterbock (1961: 95− vexed question of the localisation of the important Hittite
96) was able to show that Garstang and Gurney’s equation cult city of Nerik (Haas 1970; Dinçol, Yakar 1974;
of the Hittite Kumesmaha river with the Devrez Çay in Forlanini 1977; Houwink ten Cate 1979; Macqueen
Çankırı province was untenable, and that the Kumesmaha 1980).
had to be a river located further east, such as the In the 20 or so years since the most recent of these
Yeşilırmak or the Çekerek. These new understandings studies, and pending full publication of the Ortaköy-
were partly rooted in earlier insights by Forrer (1928− Sapinuwa texts (for now, see Ünal 1998), there has been
1932) that Pala and Tumanna were to be equated with the little new textual input to the question of toponym local-
Blaene and Domanitis described by Strabo (XII 562) as isation in north-central Anatolia. Where there has been
situated in the northwest region of Anatolia. Earlier still, significant development, however, is in our archaeo-
Leonhard (1915: 349) had identified the Classical regions logical understanding of this previously poorly explored
of Blaene and Domanitis as lying around the modern region of Anatolia. There have now been several
Ilgaz mountain, now broadly accepted as equating with systematic surveys, though still few excavations, whose
the Hittite mountain Kassu and Strabo’s Olgassys. results contribute to a new appreciation of the Late
The next major development came with two articles Bronze Age landscape of this region. In particular,
by Houwink ten Cate (1966; 1967), in which the textual archaeological surveys have explored at least parts of the
evidence for Mursili’s campaigns to the northwest of modern provinces of Çankırı and Karabük (Matthews
Hattusa was thoughtfully reviewed. In his 1967 article, 2000; Matthews, Glatz 2009), Çorum (Sipahi, Yıldırım
in particular, Houwink ten Cate provides an account of 2001), Kastamonu (Marro et al. 1998), Sinop (Işın 1998;
the movements of Mursili and his army during the Doonan 2004) and Samsun (Yakar, Dinçol 1974;
campaigns of his 16th−18th years, accompanied by a Dönmez 2002; Czichon, Klinger 2005). Excavations at
simple map of suggested localisations of toponyms. The Kınık-Kastamonu have also generated new under-
main problems with Houwink ten Cate’s geographical standings of the Late Bronze Age settlement of the
scenario stem from his acceptance of Güterbock’s highland region (Emre, Çınaroğlu 1993; Greaves,
suggestion (1961: 95) that the Hittite Dahara river was to Helwing 2001), while those at İkiztepe (Bilgi 2001;
be equated with the modern Gök Irmak, the Amnias river Dönmez 2002) reinforce a distinctive picture provided by
in Classical times, which flows principally in Kastamonu regional survey, as we discuss below.
province. This identification leads to reconstructions It is the aim of this article to approach anew the
whereby the Hittite army apparently marches huge question of the Hittite historical geography of the north-
distances across extremely rugged terrain in what, central region with the archaeological evidence firmly in
according to the texts, could have been rather short time- mind, particularly that from our own survey of Çankırı
spans. It also puts the Hittite-Kaska frontier zone, if and parts of Karabük, conducted as part of a multi-period
often defined by the Dahara river as the texts suggested, regional survey under the title Project Paphlagonia
a long way to the north, deep into what must have been (Matthews 2000; Matthews, Glatz 2009). We do not
Kaska territory for much of the Late Bronze Age. intend here to address the issue of the location of Nerik
Asolution to this problem, and to much else besides, or its associated toponyms, a topic already well-covered
was provided by the meticulous work of Forlanini who, (Czichon, Klinger 2005), and are restricting our
in an article (Forlanini 1977) and an annotated map discussion to the region north and northwest from
(Forlanini, Marazzi 1986), made sense of the Dahara Hattusa beyond the Kızılırmak river and northward into
river problem by bringing it south and equating it with the Kastamonu region.
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The archaeological evidence: a summary and some Kastamonu, and brought to Kastamonu Museum. The
implications hoard comprises at least 32 metal vessels including
Archaeological evidence, from both surveys and excava- zoomorphic drinking cups, known from Hittite texts
tions, and available textual sources demonstrate that (Emre, Çınaroğlu 1993: 675−76). In 1994 a systematic
during the Middle Bronze Age,ca 2000−1650 BC, north- survey and excavation project was initiated by Aykut
central Anatolia was in frequent and peaceable inter- Çınaroğlu and several more metal vessels were recovered.
action with the central plateau and beyond. Surveys in A sounding to the bedrock revealed three architectural
the north coupled with excavations at İkiztepe, probably levels with associated stone and metal tools and burnt
ancient Zalpa (Alkım et al. 1988), have revealed strong pottery, possibly the remains of a workshop. The partial
commonalities in settlement and material culture with the clearance of a well, which had been deliberately marked
central region, as known from excavations at sites such as with a pair of bull’s horns, yielded more metal objects,
Hattusa, Alaca and Kültepe-Kaneš, which suggest a thus pushing the total number of metal objects from more
relatively harmonious episode of trade and communi- than 30 to 260 (Gates 1997: 258). Among the finds were
cation amongst the Anatolian communities of this period an electrum spear point, gold handle revetments, a gold
(di Nocera, Forlanini 1992; Müller-Karpe, V. 2001). spacer bead, a miniature lead ladle, a rock-crystal vessel
These interactions appear to have survived intact into the and a bronze figurine of a warrior and an electrum spear of
early decades or centuries of the Hittite period, as a second figurine. The warrior figurine is apparently not
indicated by texts, such as the Anitta inscription, which of familiar Hittite style (Gates 1996: 298−99). In another
record intensive trade with the Black Sea region without excavation season, two architectural levels were revealed,
mention of hostile tribes (von Schuler 1965: 10). one of which seems to be contemporary with the metal
There have been excavations at only a handful of sites objects and associated with their manufacture. Two ovens
in north-central Anatolia relevant to the scope of this filled with charcoal were found associated with deposits of
article, here briefly reviewed and subject to confirmation bone and stone tools, a crucible, terracotta loom weights as
or revision by future publication. Excavations at İkiztepe, well as broken pottery. Numerous pits cut into this area
the largest mound in the Bafra region on the Black Sea and the upper deposits point to a reoccupation of the site in
coast, commenced in 1974 under the directorship of the later Iron Age (Gates 1997: 258). Subsequent excava-
Bahadır Alkım (Alkım et al. 1988) and revealed a tions further confirmed the metal-working features of the
settlement sequence stretching from the Late Chalcolithic site and also appear to have revealed some evidence for
to the Middle Bronze Age. No levels dating to the Late pottery production (Greaves, Helwing 2001: 498−99).
Bronze Age were detected (Bilgi 2001: 44; see Dönmez The spectacular hoard from Kınık-Kastamonu (Emre,
2002: 246−47), a marked feature in agreement with a Çınaroğlu 1993) has been interpreted as evidence for a
general trend of settlement abandonment in the Black Sea significant Hittite presence in this region and thus a
region during the Middle Bronze Age (see Dönmez 2002 support to the identification of the area with Tumanna
for summary; contraYakar 1980). The material culture (Forlanini 1998: 221). Despite the excavated evidence for
of the second millennium BC layers at İkiztepe shows metalworking, however, there is still the likelihood that
strong links to the Middle Bronze Age cultural tradition the hoard from Kınık-Kastamonu is a deliberate
of the central Anatolian plateau. These connections find deposition made by Kaska individuals of materials taken
expression in both architecture (Alkım et al. 1988; by them as loot from Hittite settlements including temples,
Dönmez 2002: 247) as well as in the local ceramic a practice well attested in texts such as the Prayer of
tradition, which finds close parallels, sometimes identical Arnuwanda I and Asmunikkal (Pritchard 1969: 399;
counterparts, at central Anatolian sites such as Hattusa Singer 2002: 40−43). The fact that the metalwork displays
and Kültepe (Müller-Karpe, V. 2001). classic Hittite traits does not definitively argue for a Hittite
Alkım (1983) has put forward an identification of the presence at its place of burial and discovery. Ongoing
region around İkiztepe as a possible location for the town excavations at the site have yielded evidence for craft
(country?) of Zalpa. Recently the site of Oymaağaç, activity, including metal and pottery production (Greaves,
significantly inland from the Black Sea coast, has also Helwing 2001: 498−99), but it is not clear whether the site
been proposed as a contender for ancient Zalpa (Czichon is a true Kaska settlement, with looted Hittite materials, or
et al. 2006: 161), and ongoing investigations at this site a Hittite site of the Old Kingdom period which does not
are likely to have an impact on our understanding of the therefore feature in the texts considered here. What we
region’s historical geography. lack as yet from Kınık-Kastamonu are details and illustra-
In the course of construction works for the Kulaksız tions of other elements of material culture, pottery in
dam, an impressive metal hoard dating to the Late Bronze particular, so that we might start to put the silver hoard
Age was recovered near the village of Kınık, north of into a more meaningful cultural context.
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İnandıktepe, located 115km northwest of Hattusa, The conventional dating of İnandıktepe level IV to
was excavated in 1966 and 1967 by Tahsin Özgüç the early Old Hittite period as well as the function of its
(1988). It is located on a natural hill-top on a controlling monumental structures have recently been called into
position on the Ankara-Çankırı road. Nearby is the question (Mielke 2006). The arguments in favour of a
mound of Termehöyük, also excavated at the same time. lowering of the İnandıktepe level IVdating closer to the
Of the five building phases identified at İnandıktepe, Middle rather than the Old Hittite period include a more
levels V, IVand III belong to the second millennium BC. recent reaffirmation of land-grant documents as a
The earliest level, built on virgin soil, is represented by category of the Middle Hittite period and a parallel
fragmented, narrow foundations of small structures mention of a named military official in documents from
underneath the monumental remains of level IV. The İnandıktepe and Hattusa, which carry anonymous
few pieces of pottery found in level Vwere dated to the Labarna seals (Wilhelm 2005). Archaeologically, there
Old Hittite period by the excavator (Özgüç 1988: 76) but exist numerous parallels between the earliest levels of the
no examples have been published. The subsequent Kuşaklı and İnandıktepe pottery inventories.
monumental structure of level IV, which was interpreted Dendrochronological dates for the former site indicate
as a Hittite temple based on architectural considerations construction in the last quarter of the 16th century BC,
as well as its inventory, was dated to the early Old Hittite which according to both the Middle and the shortened
period (16th century BC) on the basis of a land-grant Middle Chronology puts it in the late Old Hittite period.
tablet found in one of the storage rooms and an ‘early As a consequence, according to Mielke (2006),
style’ relief vase (Özgüç 1988: 110). But the precise İnandıktepe level IV material culture can no longer be
dating of the construction of the level IVtemple ‘either viewed as characteristic of the early Old Hittite period.
at the beginning of the rule of Hattushili I or Labarna … This revised dating of the site would bring the
or, less likely, … a generation earlier than Hattushili I’ destruction of İnandıktepe level IV and the temporary
and destroyed ‘either at the beginning of the rule of reoccupation of the ruins in level III closer to a phase of
Hattushili or, at the latest, during the confusion at the incipient hostilities between the Hittites and the Kaska,
end of the rule of Murshili I’ (Özgüç 1988: 110) is too as textually attested.
definitive. Ongoing excavations at the site of Hüseyindede, 2km
Like the contemporary houses on the nearby mound south of the small town of Yörüklü and 45km northwest
of Termehöyük, the monumental structure of İnandık- of Hattusa, indicate a strong cultic function for the site,
tepe level IV ended in a violent conflagration. The with a temple and associated storage facilities, arguably
following building level III represents a small-scale, parallel in dating and function to the site of İnandık only
short-lived, reoccupation following the destruction and 60km to the west (Yıldırım 2000). Two vessels with
abandonment of the temple. Re-use and modifications relief decoration were recovered from a room of the
to the architecture are attested in the area of the central purported temple, together with other vessels. One of the
courtyard and the southern rooms, in addition to other relief vessels has scenes in four panels similar to those on
structural remains (Özgüç 1988: 69, 74). A pit the İnandık vase, while the other has a single decorated
belonging to level III (clearly dug into the floor level of panel with scenes of dancers, musicians and a bull with
the main structure but without Iron Age materials) is acrobats (Sipahi 2001). This vessel and others with bull-
reported to have been filled with characteristic Hittite sacrifice scenes, such as the İnandık vase, may have been
objects such as parts of a terracotta bull and a bathtub used in rituals associated with the bull as a symbol of the
(Özgüç 1988: 74). storm god (Sipahi 2000: 84; 2001: 116). According to
While this level III receives little attention in the the excavator, pottery from Hüseyindede compares well
excavation report, it may be of interest in the context of to that from lower city level 3c and Büyükkale level IVc
Hittite-Kaska interaction in the Paphlagonia region. at Hattusa and levels IV−IIIa/b at Alaca, all of Old Hittite
Hittite textual materials indicate a fluidity with which date (Sipahi 2001: 117; Yıldırım 2000: 60−62). The
settlements and regions passed from Hittite to Kaska inventory of the excavated room, however, also includes
control and vice versa (Glatz, Matthews 2005). The vessels known to occur across the entire spectrum of the
violent conflagration of the monumental Hittite structure Middle and Late Bronze Age north-central Anatolian
of level IV, as well as the flimsy reoccupation in level III ceramic tradition. One of the bottle-shaped, round-
presumably not too long after the conflagration, may be mouthed jars (Type A, Yıldırım 2000: Abb. 9) finds a
evidence of such a changeover in occupation. Unfortu- parallel in Middle Hittite levels at Alaca Höyük (Yıldırım
nately, no materials have been either recorded or were 2000: 62). In the light of the suggested revision of the
found in level III to assist us in the identification of the dating of İnandıktepe (Mielke 2006), the proposed
occupants of the site. Middle Hittite parallels (see also Kuşaklı building C,
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Müller-Karpe, A. 2002: 259) for some of the that the scope for swift and effective movement of large
Hüseyindede bottles appear to strengthen a possible bands of troops with accompanying wagons and animals
downward revision of assemblages dated so far through is restricted to certain topographically constrained routes.
comparisons to İnandıktepe. The excavated portion of Daily distances covered by the Hittite army, and its
the site of Hüseyindede shows no traces of reoccupation baggage train, in this terrain will have been significantly
after its destruction by fire. reduced from those feasible in the open, steppic country
Evidence from archaeological survey in the provinces of the centre and south of Anatolia, and so when the
of Kastamonu, Sinop and Samsun supports the notion of Hittite kings talk of moving from one town to another in
relative stability and peaceful north-south interaction in fighting the Kaska it is entirely possible that the range of
the Middle Bronze Age, with a broad spread of the action is relatively restricted in geographical terms,
settlement of this date (Kastamonu: Marro et al. 1996; with towns separated by as little as a dozen kilometres.
1998; Kuzucuoğlu et al. 1997; Sinop: Işın 1998; Samsun: Campaigning opportunities were constrained by a range
Yakar, Dinçol 1974; Dönmez 2002). Settlement in all of factors, notably the seasons of the year (Houwink ten
these regions appears to collapse from about 1650 BC Cate 1984: 63), and Hittite military objectives in the
onwards, with extremely few or no sites at all assigned to north had to be limited often to attempts in summer
the centuries of the Late Bronze Age. campaigns to recover territory lost in the preceding
This apparent collapse of settlement across north- months, not least because of other urgent campaigning
central Anatolia may be associated with the arrival or rise demands upon the king and his troops elsewhere in the
to ascendancy of Kaska groups in the area and perhaps a ever restless Empire (Houwink ten Cate 1967: 55). It is
shift from settled to more pastoral nomadic ways of life. notable that at several points in his AnnalsMursili states
If so, it may be that the local communities of the Late that he is unable to pursue the Kaska enemy or bring a
Bronze Age in north-central Anatolia, whether Kaska or campaign to a resounding conclusion solely because
other groups, will prove extremely difficult to detect in winter had arrived (Goetze 1933: 169, 191).
the archaeological record. Failure of surveys so far to Secondly, the rarity of references to the sea, that is the
detect sites in areas known from Hittite texts to have been Black Sea, in Hittite texts regarding Kaska campaigns
inhabited by the Kaska strongly suggests that their further suggests that the Hittites were generally operating
archaeological visibility is low to negligible. well inland on their northern frontier. The only attested
Asignificant ramification of the apparent settlement Hittite reference to the sea in Kaska campaign texts is an
void across north-central Anatolia in the Late Bronze account by Mursili of how he found himself close to the
Age is that we may start to question the conventional sea for the first time in his life during a campaign
assumption that much of the Hittite-Kaska action, as probably in the vicinity of Nerik. Mursili states that
attested in the texts, takes place in the far north of this because no-one in his entourage knew the route to the sea
region, even close to the coast of the Black Sea. If such and because a severe mist had descended (frequent still
were the case, then where are the archaeological sites, the along the Black Sea coastlands), he turned his army back
fortified towns and camps so commonly attested in those at that point, having gone further than any Hittite king
texts and so frequently burnt and sacked by the Hittite before him (Houwink ten Cate 1979: 165−67). This text
king and his army? Unless the king is consistently firmly underlines the Hittites’ lack of familiarity with the
employing hyperbole to describe temporary Kaska sea, as well as with routes to the sea, and strongly
camps, undetectable archaeologically, as ‘fortified suggests that the Kaska actions took place well inland
towns’, we should rather look for the location of these from the Black Sea coast.
attested sites within regions where sites of Late Bronze Thirdly, the rather large number of Late Bronze Age
Age, and especially Hittite Imperial, date do occur. If we sites located in the region of Çankırı and immediately
accept this interpretation as a working hypothesis, we adjacent provinces argues for the possibility of allocating
may postulate that much of the Hittite-Kaska interaction a high number of textually-attested names to these sites.
attested in the Hattusa texts takes place closer to Hattusa Within the Project Paphlagonia survey region, a total of
than has previously been thought. Several other factors 32 Late Bronze Age sites has been located, and this total
point in the same direction. is only a sample from the whole region. There are
Firstly, the terrain and topography of the region of certainly more sites of this date in the area, and we can
Inner Paphlagonia, principally Çankırı province, assume that all of them, from small to large, will have
especially in its northern parts around Ilgaz, is severely had place-names at the time of their occupation, an
rugged; a rocky, wooded and awkward country for an unknown number of which may feature in the Hittite
army to traverse. Having covered much of this land on texts. Again this fact suggests the possibility that Hittite
foot ourselves during archaeological survey, we can attest texts featuring sequential lists of ‘towns’ visited or burnt
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Anatolian Studies 2009
by the Hittite king may in fact concern relatively the Hittites to Kaska control. The two TAVO (Tübinger
restricted geographical scenarios. A text listing the Atlas der vorderasiatischen Archäologie) publications
destruction by a Hittite king of, say, half a dozen Kaska (del Monte, Tischler 1978; del Monte 1992) provide
fortified towns may reasonably refer to action within an extremely useful lists and summaries of citations of all
area of only a few hundred square kilometres, perhaps toponyms featured in this study and much else beyond.
less. For reference, the entirety of Çankırı province The type and content of the information provided in
comprises almost 8,500km2. these texts are varied and almost always frustrating to
Fourthly, the nature of the sites so far located in Inner use. It is perhaps too easy to regard the texts as full
Paphlagonia is striking. They are essentially fortified itineraries of the royal military progress around the
frontier sites, with evidence of fortifications, access frontier zone and beyond, with complete lists of nightly
ramps and strategic location against surprise attack. stops and daily battles as the army traversed the terrain at
Intensive field survey demonstrates a total lack of small- set intervals through time. For one thing, most of the
scale rural settlement in the region through the Late texts are fragmentary with significant breaks and gaps in
Bronze Age. We interpret these archaeological traits as the narrative. Secondly, even if complete they do not
indications that the region of Çankırı province contained necessarily contain a full record of any single campaign
the shifting border between the Hittites and the Kaska, at but may more likely feature edited highlights, doubtless
least in its northwestern stretch, and that the Late Bronze skewed toward Hittite royal advantage, which means that
Age sites detected in the region were situated within a we frequently lack confidence that two towns mentioned
controlled military zone, with farming restricted to the together in the texts were necessarily situated together on
immediate environs of protected sites, which always have the ground. Thirdly, the terrain of the Hittite-Kaska
expanses of arable land and fresh water sources in close frontier zone for the most part is tough and arduous for
proximity. We further suggest that many of the detected travel, and daily travel distances will perforce have been
sites may have shifted frequently between Hittite and highly variable according to topography.
Kaska control, according to the ebbs and flows of power It is clear that the relevant textual evidence is heavily
across the frontier. Sites identified as ‘Hittite’ on the biased towards the Empire phase of the Hittite period and
basis of recovered Late Bronze Age ceramics might particularly toward the latter half of the 14th century BC
equally be designated ‘Kaska’, pending proper (von Schuler 1965: 29). Kaska-related texts dating from
excavation of a truly Kaska site in this region. No other or relating to events prior to this time are rare. In itself
explored region of north-central Anatolia, such as this chronological weighting of the texts is likely to be an
Kastamonu or Sinop to the north, shows this pattern of indication of increasing concern with the Kaska frontier
Late Bronze Age fortified settlement. As the evidence zone through the course of the Empire’s history, culmi-
stands, then, only the region of Çankırı province stands nating perhaps in a Kaska involvement in the final
out as a candidate for the physical arena within which collapse of the Empire around 1200 BC. As Klinger
relations between the Hittites and the northwestern (2002) has underlined, there is no evidence for Hittite
Kaska groups were played out, for only here do we find awareness of the Kaska in the Old Kingdom period and
the fortified towns and settlements, and the militarised the earliest textual attestations of the Kaska date probably
border zone, which feature in the relevant Hittite texts. to Tudhaliya II (1450−1420 BC). The dating of the texts
is especially critical when considered in concert with the
The textual evidence: a summary and some implications archaeological dating. As discussed above, it is now
The ancient texts relating to the historical geography of clear from field survey that entire swathes of northern
the Hittites’ northwest frontier region are few and far Anatolia do not appear to host settlements of the Hittite
between. Naturally they need to be employed with Imperial period and so far detection of contemporary
considerable caution, toward any end. For our purposes, Kaska sites has not proven successful. Hittite Imperial
the principal documents comprise the Deeds of sites do not appear to exist, at least in any detectable
Suppiluliuma I as told by his son Mursili II (Güterbock quantity, north of the Ilgaz range of mountains, whereas
1956; Hoffner 1997), which relate to events during the Imperial sites do exist in some numbers south of that
reign of Suppiluliuma I (1380−1340 BC), and the natural barrier. By the Empire period, then, the picture is
Extensive Annals of Mursili II, relating to events of one of retrenchment and perpetual struggle along a
Mursili’s own reign (1339−1306 BC) (Goetze 1933; generally east-west trending frontier situated barely
Houwink ten Cate 1966; 1967). Other texts such as the 150km distant from the capital Hattusa, and this is the
Prayer of Arnuwanda I(1420−1400 BC) and Asmunikkal region in which we situate much of the textually-attested
(Pritchard 1969: 399; Houwink ten Cate 1970: 67; Singer interaction between the Hittites and the northwest
2002: 40−43) include mentions of places already lost by branches of the Kaska tribes.
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Matthews and Glatz
Previous essays on the historical geography of north- Toponyms and topography: rivers and routes
central Anatolia, as summarised above, lacked the benefit A discussion of Hittite toponyms in this region can
of a significant input from recent and ongoing archaeo- reasonably start with those of rivers, not only because as
logical work in the region, and also generally failed to geographical features they are likely to be relatively fixed
demonstrate a valid familiarity with the topography of in the landscape, but also because of their historically-
the region. The outcome was that earlier interpretations attested importance as frontier markers (Kimes et al.
situated the Hittite-Kaska drama, or rather that part of it 1982). Within the scope of this study, the rivers that need
thought to have taken place in north-central Anatolia, to be considered are those known today as the
over vast tracts of northern Turkey reaching up to the Kızılırmak, the Devrez Çay and the Gök Irmak. At the
Black Sea coast. Our interpretation here will be that same time we shall consider some of the likely major
much of the attested action, and therefore many of the routes that the Hittites, and doubtless the Kaska, may
toponyms, need to be situated both over a more restricted have used in order to travel between these rivers.
area, or groups of areas, and in regions closer to Hattusa
than previously envisaged. We wish to stress that our Marassanta/Kızılırmak
following attempts at localisations must be viewed as Identification of the modern Kızılırmak, Classical Halys,
provisional and often frankly speculative. We appreciate with the Hittite Marassanta is well-established and need
that for many of the textually-attested toponyms a host of not here be reviewed (Güterbock 1956: 116; del Monte,
equally feasible alternative localisations may exist. We Tischler 1978: 539). What does need consideration is the
do not intend or hope to have the last word on any of question of associated routes and crossing points of this
these putative identifications, but rather to present an major river, particularly in view of the surprising fact that
internally consistent, coherent and at least plausible survey in Çorum province has found numerous Old
structure of topographically localised toponyms that may Hittite sites but no Imperial Hittite sites between Hattusa
serve as a provisional framework for ongoing and future and the Kızılırmak to the northwest (Sipahi, Yıldırım
investigations. An overview of our localisations is 2001: 105). Sites in this region seemingly lack the
presented in figs 1 and 2. ceramics typical of Imperial Hittite levels at core-region
Fig. 1. Map of Turkey to show location of focus region
57
Anatolian Studies 2009
s
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58
Matthews and Glatz
settlements such as Hattusa, Alaca and Ortaköy (Yıldırım, mountains (see below), was taking place not far north of
Sipahi 2004: 310). It seems probable that the valley of the the Marassanta, which fits with our interpretation of the
Delice Çay, plausibly the Hittite ÍD SA (‘red river’), Hittite-Kaska frontier zone as situated only a few days’
5
formed a means of access to the Kızılırmak for the Hittite march out from that river. Support for this notion comes
army and its supplies, with a crossing perhaps situated in from the fact that the reason given for Mursili sending
the vicinity of the modern town of Kızılırmak (fig. 3). A Nuwanza to deal with Kalasma, rather than going himself,
crossing at this point, where the river is today broad and is that Mursili is already too heavily laden with booty, and
shallow, would have led naturally on to the main valley is thus unlikely to have travelled far to get to the Maras-
route north towards Çankırı town, passing close by santa in that state. From here Mursili then returns to
İnandık, and into a region that we here interpret as the Hattusa in order to celebrate the six-year festival.
principal border zone between the Hittites and Kaska
through much of the Late Bronze Age. Hittite interest in Dahara/Devrez Çay
recovering salt from the rich deposits of the Miocene As discussed above, Forlanini’s suggestion (1977: 202)
plateau in this region, immediately east of Çankırı town, that the Hittite Dahara river could be equated with the
may also have attracted the major south-north route to modern Devrez Çay, in contrast to earlier views that the
lead this way. The presence of a strategically-located Late Dahara was to be identified with the Gök Irmak, succeeds
Bronze Age site at Sariçi Höyük next to modern and in bringing much of the Hittite-Kaska action significantly
ancient salt mines here supports this notion. southwards and out of the severe mountainous regions of
In the account of ‘Year 16’ of the Annals of Mursili the far north where, as we have commented, no Late
(Goetze 1933; von Schuler 1965: 48; Houwink ten Cate Bronze Age sites have been located. For much of its
1967: 52) we learn how Mursili meets with two generals course the Devrez runs through impassable gorges that
near the Marassanta, from where he sends Nuwanza to naturally define an approximately southwest-northeast
suppress a revolt in Kalasma and other regions. The trending frontier (fig. 4). Leaving aside the question of a
convenience of the meeting place close to the Marassanta possible relationship between the words Dahara and
may suggest that Mursili’s immediately preceding action, Devrez, the significance of the Dahara/Devrez as a major
around the Dahara river (see below) and the Kassu frontier through much of the Late Bronze Age is strongly
Fig. 3. The Kızılırmak river by the modern town of Kızılırmak, where the river is broad and shallow
59
Anatolian Studies 2009
Fig. 4. The Devrez river in the vicinity of the modern town of Orta
supported by the situation of massive fortified sites along tance of the Korgun-Kurşunlu route comes in the
its banks, as at Dumanlı and Salman West. If we accept location of major fortified Late Bronze Age sites at
the equation of the Dahara river with the Devrez Çay, we several points along its putative course. Just west of
are accordingly able to localise several of the territories Korgun, where the road begins its ascent of the massif, a
and towns attested in the Hittite texts as lying alongside fortified site at Kanlıgöl sits astride traces of ancient
or close to that river (see below). tracks that must have Late Bronze Age histories at least
As regards routes to the Dahara/Devrez from the (fig. 5). Closer to the Devrez the magnificent site of
south it seems certain that the Hittite road headed north Dumanlı (fig. 6) is associated with ephemeral traces of
from Çankırı town as far as modern Korgun before tracks that again must have been beaten by Hittite feet,
turning northwest to ascend the rocky massif that hooves and wheels.
separates the Çankırı town region from the great east- The modern road from Çankırı to Ilgaz takes the
west trending valleys along which the modern Istanbul- direct route north from Korgun and descends to the
Samsun road runs, funnelled by a topography shaped by Devrez valley in a series of dramatic hairpin bends.
the North Anatolian Fault Zone. Having crossed the Where it reaches the broad valley, two adjacent mounds
Devrez, the modern road heads towards the town of at Salman, both with major Late Bronze Age presence
Kurşunlu, close to important deposits of copper and (fig. 7), attest a Hittite desire to control this vital node of
silver-lead, which may further have attracted the Hittites, communication, because from here the road heads north
as well as the Kaska, in this direction. The massif to take one of the very few usable passes into the heights
between Korgun and Kurşunlu is wild, barren, treeless of the Ilgaz mountains, on to Kastamonu and beyond.
country, but it is traversed by a series of routes ancient But the Hittite sites at Salman are located there not
and modern, including Roman roads and today’s railway, because of the steeply dropping road from İnköy, a route
because to travel this way to the Devrez and beyond cuts not favoured in pre-modern times, but because of the
out the need to negotiate the dramatic drop in topography junction at Salman, by modern Ilgaz town, of the major
that the traveller encounters if heading directly north west-east route, from Kurşunlu in the west, with the route
from Korgun just by the modern village of İnköy, facing north into the mountains. Salman is a major instrument
the high Ilgaz mountains. Confirmation of the impor- of control for the Hittite presence in this frontier zone.
60