Table Of ContentJohn A Costello
4891 - 1976
. Compromise Taoiseach
4 Anthony J. Jordan |
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the following libraries’ staffs for kind assistance.
National Archives: (Eileen Tracey, Tom Gilsenan) National Library,
RDS, (Mary Kelligher and Gerard Whelan), Royal Irish Academy;
Pembroke; Ringsend; IIAC; Security staff at Dail Eireann, Gilbert
Library (Maire Kennedy, Padraic O’Brien, Eithne Massey, Eithne
Sharkey, Leo Maguire), Mary Clarke of Dublin City Council
Archives, Ged Walsh, Ruairi Quinn TD, Patrick Lynch, Brendan
Keane, Tom Delanty, Mary Rieke Murphy, Stephan Moran, T M
Healy, Gerard Hogan. I thank Mr. Liam Cosgrave for identifying the
members of both inter-party Governments on pages 88 and 118.
I would also like to thank Michael O’Connor, Bernice Curly, Sean
Donnelly, and David Lowe of The Central Remedial Clinic’s Desktop
Publishing Training Unit, for their help and commitment.
And to my wife Maura for living with one more character.
Also to the inestimable Mr. Murphy, whom I love dearly.
Copyright: Anthony J Jordan 2007
ISBN: 978-0952444787
Editor: Judith M. Jordan
Westport Books, Gilford Road, Dublin 4.
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While considerable effort has been made to locate all holders of possible
copyright material used, we have failed to contact some of these. Should they
wish to contact Westport Books, we will be glad to come to some arrangement.
Design & Print Reproduction
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This book is dedicated to my siblings ~
Paddy, Josephine, Tommy, Bernadette and Jimmy.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Ch COMPROMISE TAOISEACH
Ch YOUNG JOHN COSTELLO in
Ch ATTORNEY GENERAL al
Ch ORDER OF ST PATRICK 55)
Ch ELECTION DEFEAT, 1932 35
Ch CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS, 1936-7 41
Ch 1943 GENERAL ELECTION 47
Ch HCE OPNONLIDTINCAFLW PNAR TIES IN 1940’S 51
Ch 9 FIANNA FAIL DEFEAT IN 1948 55
Ch 10. THE CENOTAPH: COSTELLO’S FOLLY? a9
Chi fz TAOISEACH 65
Ch 12. DECLARATION OF REPUBLIC 43
Ch 13. MOTHER AND CHILD DEBACLE 89
Ch 14. ELECTION DEFEAT, 1951 99
Ch 15. PATRICK KAVANAGH’S LIBEL CASE 105
Ch 16. SECOND INTER-PARTY GOVERNMENT, 1954-57 113
Celt. COSTELLO REBUKES HIERARCHY Wie,
Ch 18. HUGH LANE PICTURES - ARTS COUNCIL 129
Ch 19. AMERICAN STATE VISIT 139
Ch 20. FATEFUL YEAR OF 1956 143
Ch 21. IRA TROUBLE RE-SURFACES 149
Ch 22. FINE GAEL DOLDRUMS, 1957-1973 ED.
Ghi23: COSTELLO INTERVIEWED 1967 171
Ch 24. FREEMAN OF DUBLIN WITH deVALERA, 1976 L735
FOOTNOTES 181
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 19]
INDEX 192
INTRODUCTION
It is striking how scarcely anything has been written about the two Fine Gael
politicians who led Irish governments in the first part of the 20" century, WT Cosgrave
[1922-1932] and John A Costello [1948-1951 and [1954-1957]. When I discovered
this anomaly some years ago, I decided to fill that gap by writing a book about each
man. I was not unduly surprised to discover, despite his pivotal role in establishing the
State, that there was a general ignorance about WT Cosgrave, considering that his
leadership of government ended in 1932.' I was surprised that there was also a great
ignorance about Costello, considering how comparatively recently his leadership of
two governments had been. There are probably many reasons for this situation. Both
were modest men who, in the Fine Gael tradition, did not seek to project themselves
as iconic leaders. Of course since Fianna Fail have held the reins of power for such long
periods, its interpretation of history and its role therein have received most attention
from historians and biographers.
When John A Costello is remembered, it is usually for being chosen by a variety of
political party leaders as a compromise candidate they could coalesce under as
Taoiseach, to form the first Inter Party Government in 1948. He is seen as someone
who was plucked, almost out of nowhere, to undertake this extraordinary role. There
is further amazement and almost incredulity that as Brian Feeney writes “Costello
announced out of the blue during a visit to Canada in September 1948 that he intended
to declare a republic”, and take Ireland out of the Commonwealth and refuse to join
NATO?*. But of course that is to ignore Costello’s long pedigree of State service, both
in the Attorney General’s office during the crucial years from 1921-1932 and as a
frontbencher of the Fine Gael party from 1933 onwards. Costello has said that the
result of the Pact Election of 1922, when the people voted for the Treaty, was the crucial
moment for him in throwing in his lot with the pro -Treaty people. Costello’s early
formidable record is almost unknown, but a careful study of those years certainly
reveals clear signals that he may in fact have been one of the better prepared politicians
to undertake the role of government leader, since the foundation of the State. He had
built a very successful career at the Bar and was happy to combine that, in the Fine Gael
tradition, with his membership of Dail Eireann. He was a major contributor to Dail
debates on constitutional measures. He opposed the Bill repealing the External
Relations Act in 1936 deeming it “a political monstrosity the like of which has been
unknown to political legal theory”. Opposing the draft Constitution Bill in 1937 he
said, “This draft as it stands offers its Framer as a whole burnt offerings to feminists
and feminist associations”. He lost his Dail seat in 1943 but regained it in 1944.
Costello’s satisfying life was rudely shattered when all the diverse political
parties and Independents combined to oust Fianna Fail from sixteen years of
continuous rule. The only point of contention was the leadership of General Richard
Mulcahy in Fine Gael, whose harsh measures during the Civil War had made him
INTRODUCTION
unacceptable as Taoiseach for the Republican Clann na Poblachta, and some others.
The name of John A Costello, untarnished by Civil War involvement, emerged as a
compromise Taoiseach acceptable to all. His robust backing for the Army Comrades
Association and the Blueshirts, in response to IRA attacks on Fine Gael meetings in the
early 1930’s, was overlooked. The emergence of his name as an agreed candidate for
Taoiseach came as a shock to him and he was reluctant to contemplate leaving his legal
career and disrupting his family life. Costello was essentially a very reserved family
man, though well skilled in adopting the role of friend or foe as his legal expertise
demanded. However, he was advised by friends that he had little choice but to accept
the offer.
It had been a canon of Fianna Fail faith that coalition government was bad and could
not work. Costello disproved this theory and demonstrated that in fact coalition
government could be more democratic than single party government. As Taoiseach he
acted more in the role of a chairman than a chief. Nevertheless he embarked on
constitutional change and stole Fianna Fail’s clothes by declaring a Republic and
exiting from the British Commonwealth. Internal party differences in Clann na
Poblachta, between Sean MacBride and Noel Browne, contributed greatly to the
demise of Costello’s first.government. However, the split in the Labour Party was
healed during this period. After his defeat Costello returned to the Bar where his most
famous case was as defence counsel for ‘The Leader’ in Patrick Kavanagh’s libel case.
The aftermath of their court jousting provides an interesting case study of the
contemporary relative positions of an establishment figure and a poverty stricken artist.
Costello’s second period as Taoiseach saw him adopt further Keynesian economic
policies, which laid the basis for future radical development. This government was
remarkable for Costello’s little known, stinging rebuke to the Catholic Bishops in 1955
defending his intention to include Trinity College Dublin as an integral part of the
Agricultural Institute. Poor economic circumstances caused by international upheavals
and a renewal of an IRA offensive in the North led to the fall of the government.
The 1957 defeat of the Second Inter - Party government led to much soul searching
within Fine Gael and Labour. There was speculation of realignment between like minds
within both parties and even talk of an amalgamation of the two parties. Costello
himself favoured major changes. In the event another unbroken period of sixteen years
of Fianna Fail rule followed.
Costello continued to lead the Fine Gael party within the Dail and resumed his legal
practice. His refusal to become a full-time party leader in 1959 saw James Dillon take
that post. Among the achievements that he was most proud of accomplishing in
government were; the Declaration of the Republic; founding the Industrial
Development Authority; setting up the Arts Council; ‘recovering’ the Lane Pictures;
introducing economic planning. He was made a Freeman of Dublin in 1975 alongside
Eamon deValera.
INTRODUCTION
Michael McInerney wrote of Costello in 1967, “Costello, who was closely
associated with the early Free State Government, although not in a leading way, was
not one of the great, but he will hold a special place in history. Costello today is 76,
white haired and full of energy. He neither looks nor sounds his age. Hardly ever taking
a holiday, he is kept busy by his profession and his politics. Impressive with a resonant
and slightly Dublin accent, of sturdy build and with a rough charm, he has the same
qualities that caused him to be selected in 1948 as Taoiseach. He has none of the
charisma of a Pearse, a Griffith or a deValera and without any real philosophy, except
the desire to secure better social services for the people”*.
W.T Cosgrave
CHAPTER 1
THE COMPROMISE TAOISEACH
John Aloysious Costello was an eminent barrister and a part-time Fine Gael politician,
who had been a long time member of the Dail, when a complicated set of results in the
general election of 1948, catapulted him into the office of Taoiseach. Fianna Fail had
been in unbroken government for sixteen years since 1932. It had been recently
challenged by a new republican party, Clann na Poblachta, which believed that Fianna
Fail, the so-called republican party, had betrayed its earlier republican ideals and was
just another partition - minded party. The Clann had sensationally defeated Fianna Fail
in a series of by-elections in 1947. The Machiavellian leader of Fianna Fail, Eamon
deValera, decided that his best strategy was to call an early general election before the
new party could organise effectively nationwide. The resulting election in February
threw up a most complicated set of results, which offered the possibility of ending
Fianna FAil’s term in office. However the obstacles that lay in the way were formidable.
Little did John A Costello contemplate that the final coup de grace for de Valera would
rest on his shoulders.
The final results of the election were:
Fianna Fail — 68
Fine Gael — 31
Labour 14
National Labour — 5
Clann na Poblachta - 10
Clann na Talmhan — 7
Independents -12
At first it appeared that Fianna Fail would have little difficulty in returning to office
with the help of National Labour and some Independents. The details of what exactly
happened next come from several sources including Richard Mulcahy and Sean
MacBride. Mulcahy responded to Costello’s urgent request in 1967 as the latter
prepared for an interview with Michael McInerney of the /rish Times. As Costello had
not been involved in the earliest manoeuvers, it was only natural that he was hazy on
what exactly had happened, prior to his being invited to become a candidate for
Taoiseach. He wrote to Mulcahy saying, “My recollection is that the suggestion
originally came from Sean MacBride but I am not sure whether the suggestion of an
Inter-Party government came from him or from you or from Bill Norton’. In reply to
Costello, Mulcahy recounted how he had originally ‘consulted’ Dan Morrissey, a
frontbench colleague, on the possibility of contacting the other leaders of parties about
a concerted effort to oust Fianna Fail. Morrissey’s response was positive but he
reckoned that such a government would only last six months. Morrissey emphasised
that Mulcahy would have to contact the other leaders himself ” Mulcahy then issued a
| Leabharlanna Fhine Gall
THE COMPROMISE TAOISEACH
statement saying that Fine Gael would resist the return of deValera and that his party
would cooperate with others on a common platform to form an administration’. This
was echoed the next day by Sean MacBride, the leader of Clann na Poblachta, who said
that there was a mandate from the electorate to “put them out’. Subsequently Mulcahy
contacted all the other party leaders inviting them to a meeting in Leinster House.
Each attended on Friday 13", except for the National Labour Party, which was strongly
expected to back Fianna Fail. At the Leinster House meeting, the thorny issue of civil
war politics raised its head around the person of Richard Mulcahy. He had been leader
of the national army in the civil war, and in the circumstances had no option but to
prosecute it in a harsh and terrible way. The wounds were still visible particularly in
Clann na Poblachta, where an alliance with Fine Gael would be unthinkable for many
and the idea of serving under General Mulcahy as Taoiseach untenable. The feeling
would be mutual for many in Fine Gael. This episode was naturally a very delicate
matter for Mulcahy to write to Costello about, even so many years later. He dealt with
it by writing, “Norton intimated that he did not think that his party would agree to
serve in a government under the leadership of one who had been the leader of another
party’. Mulcahy, a long-time dedicated patriot on so many earlier occasions, did not
demur and a discussion arose over who in Fine Gael, the largest party, would be
acceptable as Taoiseach. The higher echelons of the Fine Gael party had always been
composed of competing princes. Noel Browne has pointed out that even in cabinet,
Mulcahy was “treated with a mixture of levity and contempt by his party colleagues’’.
Sir John Esmonde from Wexford and Sean MacEoin of Longford were mentioned.
Sean MacBride says that he suggested Sir Anthony Esmonde, “who apparently was
not acceptable to most of the leadership of Fine Gael”. MacBride proposed Esmonde
because he believed that he had been somewhat understanding of republicans.
MacBride says referring to Fine Gael, “They then suggested Jack Costello. I knew
Jack Costello well from the Law Library. I had great respect for him: he was business-
like and capable. He had not really been much involved in bitter civil war politics. In
addition his son was also progressively minded and useful’. Noel Browne wrote that
Costello’s “hands were clean of bloodletting”'°. However, both Mulcahy and Costello
himself have agreed that it was William Norton who first mentioned Costello’s name
for Taoiseach, while Patrick Lynch believed it to have been Sean MacBride "".
Costello was TD for Dublin South East and a frontbench spokesman for Fine Gael
on External Affairs for the previous fifteen years!*. As a Barrister he had been senior
counsel to the Irish Trade Union movement for a long time!?. He remained oblivious
to these proceedings as the Friday meeting of the Party leaders went on to consider
policy matters. MacBride looked for higher public investment, reforestation and
Hospital Trust funds to build hospitals and sanatoria and a major increase in social
welfare. MacBride was adroit enough not to seek assurances on two of his party’s
policies, the release of political prisoners and the repeal of the External Relations Act.
