Table Of Contenterry
euly
A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE
GERRY HEALY
A REVOLUTIONARY L!FE
"At a time when political memories are growing
increasingly short, it is good that the effort has been made
to record the life <lf Gerry Healy, a revolutionary Mar-xist
who had a massive impact on the working class socialist
molrement, in Britain and internationally--- I have rlever
changed my belief that the split in the VRP during 1985
was the work of MIS agents"
KEN LIVINGSTONE MP
"Gerry Healy appeared intimate with materialist
dia.lectics. For him it was not sirnply a phrase, not just an
oath or lrow associated with a particular order, but an
actual window on the world, a prism, through which he
saw the surrounding world and reconstituted it irr the light
of the class spectrum"
vtrALY STARTSEV, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY'
HERZEN INSTITUTE, TENINGRAD
CORINNALOTZ & PAUL FELDMAN
GERRY HEAUT
A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE
V
b8'o1[t
CORINNALOTZ & PAUL FELDMAN
GERRY HEAUT
A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE
V
b8'o1[t
CONTENTS
Foreword ry Kcn Lioingstone MP v
Introducti on ry tbe Authorc viii
Pmr I 1985-1990
1
Three months underground 1
2
Philosophy in Athens 26
3
A place of his own 44
+
"The Awakening Giant" 58
5
New Year in Catalonia 76
6
The first trip to Moscow 100
7
The cupboard was bare 121
8
Copyright @ Corinna Lou and Paul Feldman, 1994 The clique-buster 140
All righs reserved 9 A promise kept t66
I
rsBN0952345404 Postscript to Part 189
The moral right of the euthors has been assered Penr II 1913-1985
Published by Lupus Book
10 The early years 194
P.O. Box 942
London SWIV2AR 11 "The Group" in the Labour P.try 212
12 The Socialist Labour League 226
Printed and bound by The Book Facory, London
13 The daily paper 252
This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall noE b way of 14 The inner-parqr struggle 275
trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated
without the publisher's prior consent in any form of binding or cover 15 The state and the split 292
other than that in which it is published and without a similar condirion Conclusion 307
including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.
Appendices 3t4
l
Notes 352
Index 362
In the centre of the book is a fold-out section
showing the projection of the path of cognition
developed as a teaching aid by Gerry Healy.
CONTENTS
Foreword ry Kcn Lioingstone MP v
Introducti on ry tbe Authorc viii
Pmr I 1985-1990
1
Three months underground 1
2
Philosophy in Athens 26
3
A place of his own 44
+
"The Awakening Giant" 58
5
New Year in Catalonia 76
6
The first trip to Moscow 100
7
The cupboard was bare 121
8
Copyright @ Corinna Lou and Paul Feldman, 1994 The clique-buster 140
All righs reserved 9 A promise kept t66
I
rsBN0952345404 Postscript to Part 189
The moral right of the euthors has been assered Penr II 1913-1985
Published by Lupus Book
10 The early years 194
P.O. Box 942
London SWIV2AR 11 "The Group" in the Labour P.try 212
12 The Socialist Labour League 226
Printed and bound by The Book Facory, London
13 The daily paper 252
This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall noE b way of 14 The inner-parqr struggle 275
trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated
without the publisher's prior consent in any form of binding or cover 15 The state and the split 292
other than that in which it is published and without a similar condirion Conclusion 307
including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.
Appendices 3t4
l
Notes 352
Index 362
In the centre of the book is a fold-out section
showing the projection of the path of cognition
developed as a teaching aid by Gerry Healy.
Foreword
by l{en Liaingstone MP
f)aul and Corinna have been friends of mine for over 13 years.
I When they asked me to contribute a foreword to their
biography of Gerry Healy f was delighted. At a time when
political memories are growing increasingly short, it is good that
the effort has been made to record the life of Gerry Healy, a
revolutionary Marxist who had a massive impact on the working
class socialist movement, in Britain and internationally.
The fashionable obsession with the "end of history" is no more
than a disguise for jettisoning valuable corrmon experiences and
major contributions made by revolutionaries such as Gerry Healy.
Naturally this suits those who would like to bury for ever the
memory of his unique concept of political work.
I first met Gerry Healy in 1981, shordy after I became Leader
of the Greater London Council and was immediately captivated
by his vivid recollection of events and personalities on the left. He
had recognised the changed political climate which enabled
Labour to take control of County Hall, and that we were using the
immense resources of the Greater London Council to support
those struggling for jobs and otrher rights.
Gerry Healy saw that it was possible to use the GLC as a
rallyurg fortress for Londoners who were opposed to Thatcher's
hard-line monetarism. Contrary to the image spread by his
opponents, I was impressed by the non-sectarian approach that
the Nars Line took on the reforms the GLC introduced. Neus
Line's coverage was thorough and objective throughout our
struggles. Given we \rere under siege by the Fleet Street press, it
was a relief to pick up the WRP's paper in the morning! The
GLC's public relations department usually put the News Line
articles on the front page of the daily press cutrings bundle.
The first discussion I had with Gerry Healy made grettimpact
^
on me. Coming from a party where long tenn thinking is uzually
defined by the next opinion poll, I was challenged by the broad
sweep of his knowledge and the freshness of his approach. He
knew how to operate in the political present through his
understanding of the movement of economic and social forces.
Foreword
by l{en Liaingstone MP
f)aul and Corinna have been friends of mine for over 13 years.
I When they asked me to contribute a foreword to their
biography of Gerry Healy f was delighted. At a time when
political memories are growing increasingly short, it is good that
the effort has been made to record the life of Gerry Healy, a
revolutionary Marxist who had a massive impact on the working
class socialist movement, in Britain and internationally.
The fashionable obsession with the "end of history" is no more
than a disguise for jettisoning valuable corrmon experiences and
major contributions made by revolutionaries such as Gerry Healy.
Naturally this suits those who would like to bury for ever the
memory of his unique concept of political work.
I first met Gerry Healy in 1981, shordy after I became Leader
of the Greater London Council and was immediately captivated
by his vivid recollection of events and personalities on the left. He
had recognised the changed political climate which enabled
Labour to take control of County Hall, and that we were using the
immense resources of the Greater London Council to support
those struggling for jobs and otrher rights.
Gerry Healy saw that it was possible to use the GLC as a
rallyurg fortress for Londoners who were opposed to Thatcher's
hard-line monetarism. Contrary to the image spread by his
opponents, I was impressed by the non-sectarian approach that
the Nars Line took on the reforms the GLC introduced. Neus
Line's coverage was thorough and objective throughout our
struggles. Given we \rere under siege by the Fleet Street press, it
was a relief to pick up the WRP's paper in the morning! The
GLC's public relations department usually put the News Line
articles on the front page of the daily press cutrings bundle.
The first discussion I had with Gerry Healy made grettimpact
^
on me. Coming from a party where long tenn thinking is uzually
defined by the next opinion poll, I was challenged by the broad
sweep of his knowledge and the freshness of his approach. He
knew how to operate in the political present through his
understanding of the movement of economic and social forces.
VI GERRY HEALY FOREWORD vlt
Although we were in totally different political organisations, My own research and experiences have strengthened, not
_
Gerry Healy always tried to find a point of connection with the weakened, my conviction that MI5 considers even the smallest left
world in which I moved. He did this because he wanted to find organisation worthy of close surveillance and disruption. Given
ways of working with the left in the Labour p"rry on common the pivotal role of Healy in maintaining contact with Yasser
issues and principles. But he never laid down conditions. He Arafat's HQ through the WRP's use of the latest technology, MI5
accepted that there were fundamental differences between us, but clearly felt that they had to stop the growing influence of ttre
they should not prevenr us from collaborating against the Tories. WRP. I have never changed my belief that the split in the WRP
It was a refreshing change from the world of intrigues and back- during 1985 was the work of MI5 agents.
stabbing politics of the Labour P.trF. That is why I felt h.ppy It was a privilege to have worked with Gerry H.dy. I know this
about speaking at Nans Line rallies, even though I came undii a book will give those who did not know him an opportunity to
lot of fire from those like Dennis Healey within my own parry. understand his contribution to the working class revolutionary
_ During the 1982 Braeli invasion of Lebanon, Gerqz Healy and movement.
the Nezas Line worked with a group of us in the Labour party to
end Labour's silence on the repression of the Palestinian people. - Ken Livingstone
In the aftermath of the slaughter of Palestinians in the Sabra and March L994
Shattila camps, we succeeded in winning the recognition of the
Palestine Liberation organisation as the soli legitimate
representatives of the Palestinian People by the Labour prrty
Conference of 1982.
_G9rry Healy and I both endured grear upheavals during the
1985-1986 period with the Tories abolishing the GLC and the
wRP torn apart by a major split. we lost touch for a time, but
renewed contact a few years before he died because of his work in
the USSR. I was hrppy but not sulprised to discover that we had
reached similar conclusions about the dramatic changes in the
Soviet L]nion during 1987-1989. our last meeting in thi surrmer
of 1989 was devoted to a long conversation abouithe significance
of perestroika and glasnost. we both knew that the .rr*ts in the
Soviet Union would change the lives of everyone in the world, and
especially those involved in socialist politics.
The other area we had a close understanding about was the role
of the secret services in Britain. We knew that joint campaigning
benveen genuine Marxists and socialists in the Labo"r part! *"I
viewed as a dangerous threat by the intelligence services. rn
particular, contacts berween us and national liberation movemenB
such as the Palestinians drew even more attention from the British
state.
VI GERRY HEALY FOREWORD vlt
Although we were in totally different political organisations, My own research and experiences have strengthened, not
_
Gerry Healy always tried to find a point of connection with the weakened, my conviction that MI5 considers even the smallest left
world in which I moved. He did this because he wanted to find organisation worthy of close surveillance and disruption. Given
ways of working with the left in the Labour p"rry on common the pivotal role of Healy in maintaining contact with Yasser
issues and principles. But he never laid down conditions. He Arafat's HQ through the WRP's use of the latest technology, MI5
accepted that there were fundamental differences between us, but clearly felt that they had to stop the growing influence of ttre
they should not prevenr us from collaborating against the Tories. WRP. I have never changed my belief that the split in the WRP
It was a refreshing change from the world of intrigues and back- during 1985 was the work of MI5 agents.
stabbing politics of the Labour P.trF. That is why I felt h.ppy It was a privilege to have worked with Gerry H.dy. I know this
about speaking at Nans Line rallies, even though I came undii a book will give those who did not know him an opportunity to
lot of fire from those like Dennis Healey within my own parry. understand his contribution to the working class revolutionary
_ During the 1982 Braeli invasion of Lebanon, Gerqz Healy and movement.
the Nezas Line worked with a group of us in the Labour party to
end Labour's silence on the repression of the Palestinian people. - Ken Livingstone
In the aftermath of the slaughter of Palestinians in the Sabra and March L994
Shattila camps, we succeeded in winning the recognition of the
Palestine Liberation organisation as the soli legitimate
representatives of the Palestinian People by the Labour prrty
Conference of 1982.
_G9rry Healy and I both endured grear upheavals during the
1985-1986 period with the Tories abolishing the GLC and the
wRP torn apart by a major split. we lost touch for a time, but
renewed contact a few years before he died because of his work in
the USSR. I was hrppy but not sulprised to discover that we had
reached similar conclusions about the dramatic changes in the
Soviet L]nion during 1987-1989. our last meeting in thi surrmer
of 1989 was devoted to a long conversation abouithe significance
of perestroika and glasnost. we both knew that the .rr*ts in the
Soviet Union would change the lives of everyone in the world, and
especially those involved in socialist politics.
The other area we had a close understanding about was the role
of the secret services in Britain. We knew that joint campaigning
benveen genuine Marxists and socialists in the Labo"r part! *"I
viewed as a dangerous threat by the intelligence services. rn
particular, contacts berween us and national liberation movemenB
such as the Palestinians drew even more attention from the British
state.
